Politics
What do I need to know about Illinois’ assault weapons bans?

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Gun owners face a Jan. 1 deadline to register their assault weapons with the state under Illinois’ assault weapons law.But between lawsuits and ongoing policymaking, the exact guns, accessories and ammunition covered under the Protect Illinois Communities Act remain unclear to many gun rights advocates, who point out that the ban includes some of the most popular models in the country.The assault weapons ban went into effect when Gov. JB Pritzker signed it in January 2023, immediately prohibiting the sale in Illinois of a long list of weapons and attachments. But Illinoisans who own assault weapons – a term that is itself contentious among gun advocates – can keep them, so long as they purchased them before the law went into effect and register them with the Illinois State Police before the end of this year.At the end of November, with four weeks before the deadline, nearly 4,900 individuals had filed disclosures with ISP. Owners of now-banned firearms, accessories and ammunition face criminal penalties if they fail to file that disclosure paperwork.Which guns and accessories are affected?Illinois’ assault weapons ban is wide-ranging and affects a variety of firearms and accessories, most notably weapons based on the design of the AR-15.The law classifies more than 170 different models of firearm as assault weapons. The statute also lists several general types of weapons under its definition of assault weapon, including AK-type and AR-15-type rifles. It also lists AK-type, AR-type, MAC-type, Thompson-type and Uzi-type pistols. The act restricts IZHMASH Saiga 12-type shotguns. Rifles that shoot .50 caliber rounds are also regulated by the act.But much of the confusion surrounding the law centers on the fact that it also restricts features that would classify an otherwise acceptable gun as an “assault weapon.” These include thumbhole, folding, telescoping and detachable stocks, pistol grips on rifles, flash suppressors, grenade launchers, barrel shrouds that allow users to hold the barrel without being burned, and the capacity to accept ammunition belts.
See the firearms listed in the state’s assault weapons ban. Click to expand list.
Rifles
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All AK type rifles, copies, duplicates, variants or altered facsimiles, including: the AK, AK47, AK47S, AK-74, AKM, AKS, ARM, MAK90, MISR, NHM90, NHM91, SA85, SA93, Vector Arms AK-47, VEPR, WASR-10, WUM, IZHMASH Saiga AK, MAADI AK47 and ARM, Norinco 56S, 56S2, 84S, 86S, Poly Technologies AK47 and AKS, SKS with detachable magazine, PSA PSAK-47 GF3, Century Arms VSKA, Kalashnikov USA KR-103, Riley Defense RAK-47-C, Zastava M70 ZPAP, Bulgarian Arsenal SLR-107, Hungarian FEG/SA-85M, FB Radom Beryl M762, WBP Mini Jack.All AR-types, including: AR-10, AR-15, Alexander Arms Overmatch Plus 16, Armalite M-15 22LR Carbine, Armalite M15-T, Barrett REC7, Beretta AR-70, Black Rain Ordnance Recon Scout, Bushmaster ACR, Bushmaster Carbon 15, Bushmaster MOE series, Bushmaster XM15, Chiappa Firearms MFour rifles, Colt Match Target rifles, CORE Rifle Systems CORE15 rifles, Daniel Defense M4A1 rifles, Devil Dog Arms 15 Series rifles, Diamondback DB15 rifles, DoubleStar AR rifles, DPMS Tactical rifles, DSA Inc. ZM-4 Carbine, Heckler & Koch MR556, High Standard HSA-15 rifles, Jesse James Nomad AR-15 rifle, Knight’s Armament SR-15, Lancer L15 rifles, MGI Hydra Series rifles, Mossberg MMR Tactical rifles, Noreen Firearms BN 36 rifle, Olympic Arms, POF USA P415, Precision Firearms AR rifles, Remington R-15 rifles, Rhino Arms AR rifles, Rock River Arms LAR-15 or Rock River Arms LAR-47, Sig Sauer SIG516 rifles and MCX rifles, Smith & Wesson M&P15 rifles, Stag Arms AR rifles, Sturm, Ruger & Co. SR556 and AR-556 rifles, Uselton Arms Air-Lite M-4 rifles, Windham Weaponry AR rifles, WMD Guns Big Beast, Yankee Hill Machine Company, Inc. YHM-15 rifles.Other AR-type rifles as defined in the act: Anderson AM-15 BR, Ruger AR-556 MPR, Springfield Armory Saint Victor, Radical Firearms RF-15 SOCOM, Ruger AR-556 MPR, Ruger AR-556 NATO M4 Flat-Top, Springfield Saint 5.56 NATO, American Tactical OMNI Hybrid Maxx, Daniel Defense DDM4 V7, PSA PA-15, Aero Precision AC-15, Bravo Company MID-16 Mod O, FN America FN 15 Patrol Rifle, Geiselle Automatics Super Duty series, Lead Star Arms Grunt Rifle, LMT Defense SPM16, LWRC International ICSPR, ZRO Delta Ready Series.Other rifles named in the act: Barrett M107A1, Barrett M82A1, Beretta CX4 Storm, Calico Liberty Series, CETME Sporter, Daewoo K-1, K-2, Max 1, Max 2, AR 100, and AR 110C, Fabrique Nationale/FN Herstal FAL, LAR, 22 FNC, 308 Match, L1A1 Sporter, PS90, SCAR, and FS2000, Feather Industries AT-9, Galil Model AR and Model ARM, Hi-Point Carbine, HK-91, HK-93, HK-94, HK-PSG-1, and HK USC, IWI TAVOR, Galil ACE rifle, Kel-Tec Sub-2000, SU-16, and RFB, SIG AMT, SIG PE-57, Sig Sauer SG 550, Sig Sauer SG 551, and SIG MCX, Springfield Armory SAR-48, Steyr AUG, Sturm, Ruger & Co. Mini-14 Tactical Rifle M-14/20CF.All Thompson rifles, including the following: M1SB, T1100D, T150D, T1B100D, T1B50D, T1BSB, T1-C, T1D, T1SB, T5, T5100D, TM1, TM1C. Other rifles listed in the act: UMAREX UZI rifle, UZI Mini Carbine, UZI Model A Carbine, and UZI Model B Carbine, Valmet M62S, M71S, and M78, Vector Arms UZI Type, Weaver Arms Nighthawk, Wilkinson Arms Linda Carbine. This list is based on the Illinois State Police’s Assault Weapon Identification Guide.
Pistols
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All AK types, including the following: Centurion 39 AK, CZ Scorpion, Draco AK-47, HCR AK-47, IO Inc. Hellpup AK-47, Krinkov, Mini Draco AK-47, PAP M92, Yugo Krebs Krink.Other AK-type pistols as defined in the act: PSA AK-P MOE, Zastava PAP M85, Century Arms RAS, Arsenal SAM7K-44, Charles Daly PAK-9, Kalashnikov USA KP-9.All AR type pistols, including the following: American Spirit AR-15, Bushmaster Carbon 15, Chiappa Firearms M4 Pistol GEN II, CORE Rifle Systems CORE15 Roscoe, Daniel Defense MK18, DoubleStar Corporation AR, DPMS AR-15, Jesse James Nomad AR-15, Olympic Arms AR-15, Osprey Armament MK-18, POF USA AR, Rock River Arms LAR 15, Uselton Arms Air-Lite M-4. Other AR-type pistols as defined by the act: PSA Marauder MOE, BCM Recce-11, Sig Sauer PMCX Spear-LT, Battle Arms Development Workhorse, F-1 Firearms FDR-15, LMT Defense MARS-L, CORE Rifle Systems 300 BLK Truck Gun, Diamondback DB15, Radical Firearms FP7 series, Springfield Armory Saint.Other pistols listed in the act: Calico pistols, DSA SA58 PKP FAL, Encom MP-9 and MP-45, Heckler & Kock SP-89, Intratec AB-10, TEC-22 Scorpion, TEC-9, and TEC-DC9, IWI Galil Ace, UZI PRO, Kel-Tec PLR 16, all MAC types including the MAC-10 and MAC-11, Masterpiece Arms MPA A930 Mini Pistol, MPA460 Pistol, MPA Tactical Pistol and MPA Mini Tactical Pistol, Military Armament Corp. Ingram M-11, Velocity Arms VMAC, Sig Sauer P556, Sites Spectre. All Thompson types, including the TA510D and TA5, All UZI types, including the Micro-UZI. This list is based on the Illinois State Police’s Assault Weapon Identification Guide.
Shotguns
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All of the following shotguns, including duplicates, variants or altered facsimiles: DERYA Anakon MC-1980, Anakon SD12, Doruk Lethal shotguns, Franchi LAW-12 and SPAS 12. All IZHMASH Saiga 12 types, including the 12, 12S, 12S EXP-01, 12K, 12K-030 and 12K-040 Taktika. Streetsweeper, Striker 12.This list is based on the Illinois State Police’s Assault Weapon Identification Guide. pic
Accessories that would give an otherwise unregulated firearm one or more of these features are regulated as “assault weapon attachments,” and they also require a disclosure with state police.Pistols are also restricted if they have a threaded barrel, a second grip, the capacity to accept magazines outside of the grip and shoulder stocks.Revolving cylinder shotguns are restricted as well as semiautomatic shotguns that have the capacity to accept a detachable magazine or a fixed magazine with more than five rounds.Importantly, any firearm that has been modified with aftermarket accessories to achieve the same effect as the state’s definition of “assault weapon” would still fall under the ban. This means that a collection of parts that could convert a firearm into an assault weapon – for example, an unregulated pistol and conversion kit – would be considered an assault weapon, even if the kit is unassembled.The law also bans .50 caliber BMG rounds. While common, these are not the only type of .50 caliber ammunition. Owners of this type of ammunition must file a disclosure with state police.Ammunition feeding devices are also regulated by the act, but in a slightly less strict fashion than weapons. The law bans “large capacity” magazines, which it defines as being 15 or more rounds for pistols and 10 or more rounds for rifles. While banned, owners of large capacity magazines do not need to file a disclosure.
Affected gun owners must file an affidavit or face criminal penaltiesOwners of weapons regulated under the act can legally keep assault weapons, now-banned accessories and .50 caliber rifles, if they owned the weapon or accessory prior to Jan. 10, 2023, when the law went into effect, and they register them with ISP. Some people, notably law enforcement officers, are exempt from the disclosure requirement.People required to file this paperwork, called an “endorsement affidavit,” can do so at the state police Firearms Services Bureau website. This is the same online portal used for concealed carry licenses and Firearm Owners Identification cards. These affidavits must be submitted electronically and submitting false information would be considered perjury.These online disclosures require the maker, model, serial number and caliber of the gun. For accessories, a description and part number are required. A date of purchase is required if that information is available.If a gun owner moves to Illinois from a state where they legally owned firearms or accessories banned under Illinois’ law, they must file an endorsement affidavit with the state police within 60 days of moving to Illinois.This applies to owners of assault weapon attachments, even if they do not own an assault weapon. Local law enforcement agencies and the state police are responsible for enforcing the assault weapons ban in the same manner they currently enforce other regulations, such as the rules around FOID cards.Penalties for violating the law vary. Carrying or possessing an assault weapon is a Class A misdemeanor. This is generally punishable by up to a year in jail or a fine of up to $2,500. Manufacturing, selling, delivering and purchasing those weapons, however, is a Class 3 felony. These are generally punishable with five to 10 years in prison and fines of up to $25,000.A second or subsequent possession charge is considered a Class 2 felony, which is generally punishable by three to seven years in prison and a fine of up to $25,000.Manufacturing, possessing, selling or importing assault weapon accessories and kits is also considered a Class 2 felony. Specific cases may vary in their sentencing.While the law bans the sale and possession of large-capacity magazines, owners do not need to file a disclosure if they had these magazines prior to Jan. 10, 2023.For a brief period of six days this spring, an injunction temporarily halted enforcement of the assault weapons ban. Anyone who purchased a regulated weapon after Jan. 10, 2023, including during that window, is in violation of the law.
Andrew Adams
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Capitol News IllinoisThis AR-15 has a thumbhole stock, one of several types of stock that classify something as an assault weapon. This H&K USP Tactical has a threaded barrel designed to accept accessories, another feature of an “assault weapon” under Illinois’ new law. This Armsel Striker, sometimes sold as a Bulldog or Street Sweeper, would count as an assault weapon due to its revolving cylinder. While the Micro Uzi is specifically banned, it is also designed to accept large-capacity magazines, another feature of assault weapons, per Illinois’ law.
How many banned guns are there in Illinois?As of Dec. 4, nearly 4,900 people had filed disclosures in accordance with the state’s assault weapons ban. They collectively filed about 9,300 weapons disclosures, about 4,800 accessory disclosures and 87 ammunition disclosures.Estimating how many people own the types of guns outlined by the state’s assault weapons ban is nearly impossible, due to limited data collection requirements and inconsistent definitions of terms like “assault weapon” and “AR-15-style rifle.”That said, some estimates do exist.A survey conducted by Ipsos, a large market research firm, found that last year, one in five gun owners in the United States owned an AR-15 or similar gun. Estimates for gun ownership more broadly in Illinois vary, with research suggesting between 25 and 30 percent of the households in the state own a gun. Older data suggests closer to 20 percent.Taken together, those statistics suggest that around hundreds of thousands of Illinoisans will be impacted by the state’s assault weapons ban.Despite this uncertainty, the prevalence of these guns is one of the issues at the heart of the ongoing legal battle over the constitutionality of the law.Arguments in the federal cases that could invalidate or uphold the law have repeatedly turned to whether the guns are in “common use.” Under recent U.S. Supreme Court rulings, guns in common use are generally protected under Second Amendment’s right to bear arms.State officials still settling rules, implementationAs with many state laws, Illinois’ assault weapons ban has been the subject of administrative rulemaking, the process whereby the state agency responsible for implementing the law lays out the rules by which it will do so.The state police have proposed rules that are now under consideration by an oversight committee of lawmakers. The rulemaking on the subject has been closely watched and has spun off into a series of dedicated hearings hosted by ISP to gather public input on how to execute the law.One of the central issues at the heart of these hearings has been how precisely ISP will interpret some of the vaguer aspects of the law. This includes a final decision about exactly which items must be registered.The law is also the subject of ongoing litigation. Several federal cases challenging the constitutionality of the law could be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court. Earlier this month, a three-judge panel on the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals issued a 2-1 opinion allowing the law to remain in effect while the cases continue.This story will be updated as litigation and administrative rulemaking continues. Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of print and broadcast outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.
One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”
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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.
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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.
Dilpreet Raju
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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.
No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
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