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Some Missouri Democrats wonder if Senate primary is too crowded

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Maureen Jordan has been a Lucas Kunce fan for a long time.The Manchester resident and chair of the Chesterfield Township Democrats was sold on Kunce after having coffee early on during his first bid for the U.S. Senate. Kunce fell short in the Democratic primary, but he’s running again for the right to take on Republican U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley next year.Even though Jordan is still backing Kunce in 2024, she conceded that things became trickier when St. Louis County Prosecutor Wesley Bell jumped into the race.“The bad part for me is that I remember introducing Wesley, as our beloved county prosecutor,” Jordan said. “And when he announced, I sadly had to text him and say: ‘You know how fond I am of you. But I have been following Lucas since 2021.’ And just like Solomon in the Bible, you’re asking us to split the baby. And it’s hard.”In some respects, Jordan’s anecdote showcases the conundrum for Missouri Democrats ahead of next August’s primary.With Kunce, Bell and state Sen. Karla May in the contest, Democrats have three candidates who have developed deep relationships with voters. Some are wondering openly whether having a competitive primary makes sense. They say that a general election race against Hawley will be expensive and that the party’s nominee may need the maximum amount of time to cultivate support in a state that’s become solidly Republican.When asked if it was a good thing that there’s a primary for the U.S. Senate, Democratic state Rep. Steve Butz of St. Louis, said: “I’m going to say emphatically no.”“We need a unified voice,” said Butz, who is backing Kunce.Others say a primary will be helpful to whoever wins the nomination, as they’ll have to spend time barnstorming the state for support.“There should be a process where people interested in running for the Senate as a Democrat have to first clear that hurdle. It helps them as a candidate,” said Chesterfield resident Paul Kalil, who is backing Bell. “It sharpens their message and connects to the people they’re going to be representing.”

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioLucas Kunce speaks during a rally on Aug. 28 at the District 9 Machinist Hall in Bridgeton.

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioLEFT: The shadow of Lucas Kunce is projected onto a campaign poster during a rally on Aug. 28, at the District 9 Machinist Hall in Bridgeton, Mo. RIGHT: Attendees clap while Lucas Kunce speaks during a that same rally.

Emphasizing their strengths For the most part, the candidates are not focused on whether primaries are good or bad.Kunce held a boisterous rally at the Machinists Union Hall in Bridgeton earlier this summer that featured a number of speakers who represented influential labor union groups backing the Marine veteran and attorney from Independence.“We’re raising the money, we’re building the organization to actually win,” Kunce said. “We need a win for working people. … I grew up in a working-class neighborhood, and my entire life is about serving that neighborhood.”Kunce supporters like Butz point to his stout fundraising and well-organized campaign as reasons to back him. But some Democrats say that Bell and May’s entry into the contest may suggest unease about Kunce being the nominee against Hawley.“Lucas did not get the nomination the last time,” said state Rep. Doug Clemens, D-St. Ann, who is neutral in the primary. “And politically speaking, when you fail to get a nomination it means you’re able to be a loser again.”Bell, during a speech to Chesterfield Township Democrats, pointed to his ability in 2018 to boost Democratic turnout in St. Louis County. Bell’s win against longtime St. Louis Prosecutor Bob McCulloch was fueled by a coalition of white progressive and Black voters.Bell said if he’s able to maximize the number of Democratic voters who come to the polls and win more backing in rural counties, there’s a path to defeating Hawley in 2024.“My singular focus is to fire Josh Hawley,” Bell said. “And in order to do that, it’s going to require all Democrats coming together in the general election and getting the turnout that we need in order to do it.”While May hasn’t been as strong a fundraiser as either Kunce or Bell, she’s pointed to tough primaries that she’s won since entering state politics as a strength of her candidacy.And like Bell, May represented a racially diverse constituency both in the Missouri House and Senate — and made an impact in a General Assembly that Republicans have dominated for years.“If you know my history, they have not met Karla May,” May said in response to a question about whether national Democratic leaders may want Kunce to be the nominee. “Because they always underestimate. And I am a strong candidate. And my history in this state and my record speaks for itself.”

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioState Sen. Karla May, D-St. Louis, greets supporters at the announcement of her U.S. Senate bid on July 11 outside the Civil Courts Building in St. Louis.

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioLEFT: The hands of state Sen. Karla May, D-St. Louis, after she announced her bid for the U.S. Senate on July 11 outside the Civil Courts Building in St. Louis. RIGHT: A Karla May campaign sign leans against a handrail after that same announcement.

Candidates tout support from Black elected officialsAll three candidates have made explicit overtures to get endorsements from prominent African American officials since Black voters will likely play a major role in the primary election.Before Kunce spoke in Bridgeton, two of his most prominent surrogates — St. Louis Alderman Rasheen Aldridge and St. Louis County Councilwoman Shaldona Webb — spoke on his behalf. Kunce also has the backing of former U.S. Rep. Bill Clay and St. Louis County Councilwoman Rita Days.Kunce said he’s focused “on building a coalition that can win statewide — and that includes having strong support from Black communities.”But the entry of two Black candidates into the contest meant that some people who previously supported Kunce switched sides.They include Ferguson Mayor Ella Jones, who served on the Ferguson City Council with Bell. Jones said the two forged an especially close relationship in the aftermath of Michael Brown’s shooting death in Ferguson.”Wesley and I just go back a long way,” Jones said.

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioSt. Louis County prosecutor and Democratic candidate for Senate Wesley Bell speaks during a fundraising event on Monday at a volunteer’s home in Glendale.

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioLEFT: Jennifer Slavic Lohman, Creve Coeur Councilwoman Nicole Greer and Tamar Hodges listen to Wesley Bell as he speaks during a fundraising event on Monday, at a volunteer’s home in Glendale, Mo. RIGHT: Cards encouraging people to donate to Bell’s campaign are laid out on a table.

Bell, who has received support from other mayors of traditionally African-American cities in St. Louis County, said that his service on the Ferguson City Council and as prosecutor shows that he can be a mediator during difficult situations. He also said that running for those positions made him well-known throughout St. Louis County, which contains one of the largest bloc of Black voters in the state.“Because we know in Missouri, we have got to expand our electorate. Period,” Bell said. “And don’t tell me we can’t do it. Because if Georgia can do it, absolutely we can do it here in Missouri.”Neither Bell nor May feel that their presence in the race will split the Black vote and make it more likely that Kunce will win.“We’re going to make our case to every corner of the state, and voters will decide,” Bell said.May said: “This is about a person who’s able to go to Washington, D.C., and work with the individuals there to get the job done. And we must heal this nation. And we need people in that environment that have the ability to influence that healing.”St. Louis Recorder of Deeds Michael Butler said he expects robust support for May, whom he dubbed “the godmother of St. Louis City Black politics.”“Karla is absolutely the most experienced person in the race, having been successful in Jefferson City for over a decade,” Butler said. “She’s just a fighter. She is a big fighter.”

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioU.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., answers questions from reporters on Aug. 17 at the Governor’s Ham Breakfast during the Missouri State Fair in Sedalia.

Cracking the geographic riddleHawley has the most money to spend going into 2024, between his campaign committee and a political action committee. But he’s said multiple times throughout the year he expects his reelection campaign to be expensive, especially if Democratic donors give prodigiously to their nominee.“We’ll just have to counter that with the force of our record and our ideas,” Hawley said earlier this year at Missouri Republican Party Lincoln Days. “And I think we will prevail.”Hawley predicted that his campaign would get a boost from the fact that he’s running during a presidential election. Missouri has voted for the Republican presidential nominee since 2000, including by double-digit margins when former President Donald Trump was at the top of the ticket.“I think people are going to be extremely motivated to get out and send Joe Biden out of office,” Hawley said.Hawley and other Republican statewide officials have won decisively since 2016 thanks to their dominance in rural counties and their growing margins of support in fast-growing suburbs like St. Charles and Jefferson counties.Mike Jones, a former public official in St. Louis and St. Louis County, said a key question ahead for Missouri Democrats is whether a deluge of money can change the geographical reality in the state.He added that one of the rationales for spending money in Missouri is “getting back to trying to be a party that has a base all over the country so you’re running and competing.”“Money in politics can make a difference,” Jones said. “But by and large, you having money is like having a lot of money in a poker game with professional gamblers. If your money holds, your luck is not going to change. Because the game is structured in a way that you’re not going to win. You can spend a lot of money, but you’re not going to change the outcome.”Clemens said he’s been seeing signs that rural voters are more receptive to Democratic candidates.“I think that race is going to be more important than national observers think,” said Clemens. “Missouri is in the process of changing. I go out and volunteer to speak with rural Missouri as a Democrat, and I speak to full rooms of 120-plus people.“Missouri is looking for a change,” he added. “Now whether the Democratic Party is able to meet that change is another question — and that’s really up to the people.”

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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