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Missouri Republicans take stock of impending statewide primaries

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Byron Donalds recently got a crash course in Republican disunity.The Republican congressman from Florida was, for a time, at the center of a contentious multiday process to elect a speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. Some of his colleagues nominated him to be an alternative to Rep. Kevin McCarthy, who became speaker after more than a dozen tries.During last Saturday’s banquet at the Missouri Republican Party’s Lincoln Days, Donalds said that a highly publicized intraparty battle made the GOP caucus stronger. It led to different rules that Donalds said will empower individual lawmakers and make members more motivated to make McCarthy’s speakership successful.“We can fight it out in primaries,” Donalds said. “We can have hard conversations and hard discussions. But when it’s time to battle the Democrats, we have to be one party.”While Donalds was clearly talking about national politics during his speech in Springfield, his words have resonance for what Missouri Republicans are about to go through over the next year.After unprecedented success at the ballot box over the past six years, the Missouri GOP is bracing for competitive, and potentially adversarial, primaries for a host of important offices. And while party leaders at Lincoln Days aren’t overly concerned about losing statewide elections to Democrats, they are monitoring how fallout from primaries, as well as other external factors, could impact their ability to remain in power.

Jason Rosenbaum

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St. Louis Public Radio Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft speaks to attendees at Missouri Republican Party Lincoln Days in Springfield. Ashcroft is one of three GOP officials expected to run for governor next year.

An open fieldIn part of a cavernous Springfield hotel that people typically use for eating breakfast, Greene County Clerk Shane Schoeller finished up a speech announcing his bid for secretary of state.Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft isn’t running for another term (and likely will run for governor), which provided an opportunity for Schoeller to try to capture an office in 2024 he nearly won in 2012. He likely won’t be the only Republican candidate for secretary of state next year, and contested primaries are expected as well for governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general.Talking with reporters after his speech, Schoeller said he wasn’t overly concerned about a primary’s impact on his party’s general election chances.“What we have to do is make sure that we keep our conduct clean and that we keep it above board,” Schoeller said. “And we run and convince voters that we’re the best person for that office.”Many at Lincoln Days said they were confident Republicans could maintain their dominance in statewide politics in 2024. For the first time in generations, Republicans hold every statewide office and both U.S. Senate seats. They’re crushing Democratic candidates in rural counties and in fast-growing suburbs. And former Congressman Billy Long said Missouri Democrats don’t have the candidates to turn the tide.“It’s not that they don’t have a bench,” Long said. “They don’t have a starting lineup.”In some respects, the collapse of Democrats in Missouri made GOP primaries for statewide offices inevitable. State Sen. Bill Eigel, R-St. Charles, will likely vie with Ashcroft and Lt. Gov. Mike Kehoe for the governorship.“We’re increasingly becoming a primary state where really the future direction of the state is being decided in August and not necessarily November,” Eigel said. “I think that’s a testament to how the national Democratic brand has hurt the Democratic state party and how the values that Republicans are really reflective of what a strong majority of Missouri want to see enacted into policy.”Kehoe said many candidates running in primaries “have a lot of similarities in their conservative values and what their beliefs are.”“I think it’s all going to come down to what’s their background? What’s their journey been through the state of Missouri? What are their experiences? What is their business experience?” Kehoe said. “And if everybody can kind of get in their silos and tell what each other’s story is, then hopefully Missourians will decide based on that.”

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri last June during a demonstration at the St. Louis clinic following the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade.

Presidential uncertainty Not everyone at Lincoln Days is convinced that the good times for Republicans will last forever.For one thing, this will be the first election cycle since former U.S. Sen. Roy Blunt retired. And there’s concern that there isn’t another political figure who can re-create his highly successful political organization. Others are worried about the impact of the presidential contest on statewide races.In 1992 and 2008, Republicans faltered after enduring brutal gubernatorial primaries. The strength of the Democratic presidential candidates in Missouri during those two cycles played a major role in sinking candidates up and down the ballot.And while few expect Democrats will take Missouri’s Electoral College votes next year, U.S. Rep. Eric Burlison, R-Springfield, said the rest of the GOP ticket will suffer if the GOP presidential candidate is underwhelming.“If it becomes like a Mitt Romney or a [John] McCain? Absolutely,” said Burlison, referring to the GOP presidential nominees in 2012 and 2008. “I think people are not inspired by those kinds of candidates.”Former President Donald Trump is running again for the presidency. And he made a surprise cameo (on a cellphone call) at Lincoln Days. But some attendees doubt he can win a general election nationwide. And it’s unknown whether some other candidate, like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, can rev up GOP turnout in Missouri like Trump did in 2016 and 2020.Still, Ashcroft doesn’t think the presidential race will play as big a role as people think. He noted that he and other GOP statewide aspirants outran Trump in 2020.“Regardless of who the Republican nominee is, we will see Republicans that are more energized than they were in either ‘16 or ‘20,” Ashcroft said, “just because of the state of our country. Just because of what’s happened the last couple of years, I think there is even more of a sense of urgency, and that we have to have a change. More so even than we had with President Trump.”

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri last June during a demonstration at the St. Louis clinic following the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade

Abortion rights cast a large shadowThere’s another factor that could influence Missouri statewide races in 2024: abortion rights.Many attendees at Lincoln Days are fully expecting that a ballot item to repeal the state’s abortion ban will make it to the ballot. And unless Missourians approve a ballot measure making constitutional amendments harder to pass in August 2024, a November 2024 measure could drive up Democratic turnout to erase a major GOP policy priority.“If we have an abortion initiative petition — and it passes and undoes 20 years of Republican legislature on the pro-life movement — that will go down as the single greatest failure of everybody who has served in the legislature in the last 10 years,” said Chris Grahn-Howard, a St. Louis County native who has been involved in Missouri Republican politics for many years.Grahn-Howard said proponents of the abortion ban made it vulnerable to an initiative petition because they didn’t include exceptions for people who become pregnant due to rape or incest. “That’s a hard sell to the majority of Missourians, and an even harder sell to the majority of Americans,” he said.U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, who will be up for reelection next year, spent part of his speeches at Lincoln Days celebrating the fall of Roe v. Wade.He said if a measure repealing the abortion ban goes before Missouri voters, it aligns with a new reality in which states get to determine whether abortion is legal within their borders.“I think that the decision overturning Roe is absolutely right, returning that decision to the people,” Hawley said. “I’m glad that people in Missouri get to set our own laws. I’ve always said my own view is that I’m 100% pro life. I think that there shouldn’t be abortion except for cases of rape, incest and the life of the mother. … If we get the chance to vote on it? Then, great. But let’s see what happens.”

File photo | Carolina Hidalgo | St. Louis Public Radio

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U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, campaigning in 2018, ran in a highly competitive primary for attorney general in 2016. That decisive victory helped his future bid for the U.S. Senate.

The sunny side of primariesFor his part, Hawley doesn’t think that competitive primaries are necessarily a bad thing for Missouri Republicans.Before being elected to the Senate in 2018, Hawley prevailed in the attorney general race against then-Sen. Kurt Schaefer in one of the nastiest statewide primaries in recent Missouri history. He ultimately went on to win the general election by a large margin, as did other GOP statewide contenders who made it through party contests.“I think keeping the disagreement on the issues is fine. I think it’s good, it allows people to choose between different visions,” Hawley said. “But I hope we can keep it focused on issues and what we can present to the people of the state.”Another Republican who prevailed after a contentious primary was U.S. Sen. Eric Schmitt. He maneuvered past five other major candidates last year before cruising to victory in the November general election.“I’ve run statewide three times in the last six years,” Schmitt said. “I’ve enjoyed every minute of it. And if candidates embrace that, I think Missourians will have some great options to choose from.”

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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