Politics
Missouri is in the center of a national drug pricing battle — with billions on the line

[ad_1]
In a battle that pits some of the biggest players in health care against each other, the Missouri General Assembly has come down on the side of hospitals who want unlimited access to discounted drugs for their pharmacies.On the last day of this year’s legislative session, the Missouri House passed a bill making it illegal for pharmaceutical manufacturers to refuse to supply the discounted medications to qualifying hospitals and health clinics and their contracted pharmacies.Pharmacy manufacturers, who are playing defense on similar bills across the country, want Gov. Mike Parson to veto the legislation because the discounted prescriptions are often sold to patients at full retail price.The stakes nationally are huge, in a medical market with escalating prescription prices and increasing concentration of medical providers in direct employment by hospital groups. Nationally, pharmaceutical manufacturers sold nearly $100 billion in discounted drugs in 2021 and 2022 through a federal program known as 340B, for the section of law where it is authorized.With an average discount of about 60%, according to representatives of the drug manufacturers, the wholesale value of the discounted prescriptions over two years is approximately $250 billion. The retail markup adds hundreds of millions more to the total revenue stream.Much of that revenue goes to the bottom line instead of being passed on or used to cover the cost of care for people who cannot afford it, Nicole Longo, deputy vice president of public affairs at PhRMA, the lobbying arm of the pharmaceutical industry, said in an interview with The Independent.“We provide tens of billions of dollars in discounts on medicines each year in the hopes that it improves access to affordable medicines for low income patients,” Longo said. “And we’re not seeing that happening.”In 2023, a federal appeals court ruled that nothing in federal law prevents pharmacy manufacturers from limiting the number of contract pharmacies they will supply with 340B discounted products. But those limits go only so far, the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals in St. Louis ruled when it upheld an Arkansas law – very similar to the bill awaiting action by Parson — that bans manufacturer-imposed limits on contracts.
“Though the covered entities cannot squeeze as much revenue out of it as they once could, drug makers need not help them maximize their 340B profits.”
Stephanos Bibas, writing for the 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals
Many of the restrictions manufacturers are implementing aren’t practical, said Daniel Good, vice president of pharmacy for the Mercy health system. A limitation, for example, to one contract pharmacy per qualified provider – an idea being used by some companies – doesn’t allow Mercy to serve its patients most effectively, Good said.“Even though we have 58 retail pharmacies, plus specialty infusion pharmacies, there’s not enough of the brick-and-mortar pharmacies that are owned and operated by Mercy to meet the entire footprint that Mercy has,” Good said. “Therefore, we have to have contract relationships with some of those pharmacies in those rural communities in order to meet that need.”The programThe 340B program was part of a 1992 federal law intended to fix an unintended consequence of changes to Medicaid made in 1990: Pharmaceutical companies stopped giving drug discounts to hospitals serving rural and poorer communities and clinics for people with expensive medical conditions such as AIDS.It had two components – drug manufacturers had to deliver their products at a discount to eligible providers and eligible providers could only use the program to provide prescriptions to patients they treated directly.Eligible hospitals were designated as those serving children, those that were the only hospitals in their community, those designated as “critical access hospitals” providing care that would otherwise be absent, and those serving large numbers of indigent patients known as “disproportionate share hospitals.”Other qualifying providers include federally qualified health care centers – clinics that receive grants to support operations so they can base charges on ability to pay – as well as clinics that serve AIDS patients, black lung victims and other debilitating diseases.The drugs available at a 340B discount are purchased by the providers and dispensed at in-house or contract pharmacies for outpatient use. The charges paid by patients may or may not reflect a discount from regular pricing, depending on the policies of the individual provider.The use of contract pharmacies started in 1996, when the Department of Health and Human Services began allowing one contractor per provider as recognition that many providers did not have in-house pharmacies.In 2010, along with passage of the Affordable Care Act, the allowance for contracts was expanded to allow any number of contracts. That is when use of the program increased exponentially.The 45 hospitals and clinics enrolled in 1992 grew to 1,191 in 2010 and stands at 2,724 currently, according to data from PhRMA. The number of contract pharmacies grew from 2,321 in 2010 to 205,340 in 2024.“One disproportionate share hospital in the 340 B program might have 400 contracts with pharmacies across the country and vice versa,” Longo said. “A single CVS that’s on your corner might have 30 contracts with hospitals and clinics, both in state and out of state, through the 340 B program.”’The lunar surface’When pharmaceutical companies started pushing back on that growth, the federal department issued an advisory opinion that made it clear it backed unlimited contracting and expected the drug manufacturers to honor them wherever the products were sent.“The situs of delivery, be it the lunar surface, low-earth orbit, or a neighborhood pharmacy, is irrelevant,” the 2020 advisory opinion, since withdrawn, stated.In the 2023 ruling that upheld limits on contracts imposed by manufacturers, Judge Stephanos Bibas of the 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals wrote that the department improperly interpreted the intent of Congress.“When Congress’s words run out, covered entities may not pick up the pen,” Bibas wrote. “Plus, Congress’s use of the singular ‘covered entity’ in the ‘purchased by’ language suggests that it had in mind one-to-one transactions between a covered entity and a drug maker without mixing in a plethora of pharmacies.”If the case was about whether clinics and hospitals enrolled in the 340B program could use contracted pharmacies at all, Bibas wrote, the ruling would go another way. Because many eligible entities do not have an in-house pharmacy, he wrote, contracted pharmacies have to be part of the program.But manufacturer-imposed restrictions that allow some use of contract pharmacies are acceptable, he wrote.“Under the three drug makers’ policies at issue, all covered entities can still use the Section 340B program,” Bibas wrote. “Though the covered entities cannot squeeze as much revenue out of it as they once could, drug makers need not help them maximize their 340B profits.”
“Arkansas is simply deterring pharmaceutical manufacturers from interfering with a covered entity’s contract pharmacy arrangements.”
Judge Michael Melloy, writing for the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals
As the dispute moved through the courts, it also became fodder for state legislatures. Including Missouri. There are 29 states that have enacted bills – including seven this year – that prohibit restrictions on contracts.Governors in five states – Kansas, Maryland, Minnesota, Mississippi and West Virginia – signed the bill in their states. Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin vetoed the bill passed in his state this year.And while the courts have said federal law doesn’t give Health and Human Services the power to bar manufacturer limits, they have also said that same law doesn’t restrict states’ ability to do so.In a ruling on a bill passed in Arkansas in 2021, the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld financial penalties on manufacturers who refuse to deliver 340B discounted medications to contract pharmacies.“Arkansas is simply deterring pharmaceutical manufacturers from interfering with a covered entity’s contract pharmacy arrangements,” Judge Michael Melloy wrote in the ruling handed down in March.The moneyFor many providers, the revenue obtained by selling the discounted drugs at standard prices is the difference between staying open and closing. KFF Health News last month reported that many small rural hospitals aren’t willing to take federal payments to transition facilities to a new “rural emergency hospital” model because they would lose access to 340B discounts.State Rep. Rick Francis, a Perryville Republican who became CEO of Cape Girardeau-based Cross Trails Medical Center on May 20, said the revenue is vital to his new employer, a federally qualified health center.Cross Trails has locations in four counties and 11 contract pharmacies.“The 340B revenues allow us to cover patients who can’t pay for medicine,” said Francis, who voted in support of the bill when it passed the House. “We have plenty of those who need help.”But those providers aren’t the main target for the drug manufacturers. Instead, they focus criticism on the disproportionate share hospitals. Those hospitals account for about 80% of all drugs purchased through the 340B program, $41.8 billion in 2022 and $34.3 billion the year before.The New England Journal of Medicine, in a study published in January, found that hospitals marked up 340B medications by 6.5 times as much as private physicians for infusion treatments.“This study showed that hospitals imposed large price markups and retained a substantial share of total insurer spending on physician-administered drugs for patients with private insurance,” the study concludes.Those hospitals should be required to show how they use the money to help the patients that cannot pay for doctor visits and medications, Longo said.“They buy low and they sell high,” Longo said. “Patients bear a lot of that cost, and so that’s a major concern of the industry.”The demands for disproportionate share hospitals to cut prices for patients receiving medications obtained with a 340B discount, or to forgo collection efforts on unpaid bills as a requirement for participation in the program, are hollow arguments, Good said.Other legal requirements prevent having different prescription prices for people with insurance coverage and those who do not, he said.But Mercy, realizing that the arguments are having an impact on public perception, identifies the programs it funds with 340B revenue, he said. It supports clinics in St. Louis and Springfield, mobile care vans with mammography screening and other services, and behavioral health care, as well as other services.“We have very specific services that we can tie directly to the money that is saved from 340B, that we’re able to continue or expand our patient care services in those areas,” Good said.By putting the focus on disproportionate share hospitals, Good said, the pharmacy industry is trying to politically divide users of the 340B program.“We want to stick together, and we do believe that healthcare will be stronger if we stay together as a group and we maintain the 340B program, so it benefits all and that we don’t abuse it,” Good said.
Brian Munoz
/
St. Louis Public RadioThe Missouri State Capitol last month in Jefferson City.
The Missouri billThe legislation awaiting Parson’s action has three main components – a requirement that drug manufacturers deliver medications to all contract pharmacies without restriction, enforcement by declaring a violation to be an unlawful merchandising practice, and punishment meted out by the state Board of Pharmacy for violations.Sponsored by Republican state Sen. Justin Brown of Rolla, the bill was pared back from its original language that also targeted pharmacy benefit managers and practices in the private insurance market. Brown did not return calls or messages sent by email to his Capitol office.During House debate on the final day of the session, state Rep. Tara Peters, a Rolla Republican who shepherded the bill through the lower chamber, said provisions on pharmacy benefit managers were removed to make the bill more likely to pass.The bill is intended to increase access to prescriptions for Missourians, she said.“Let’s allow Missourians access to pick up their medications closer to home,” Peters said.Other supporters focused on the program’s benefits for safety-net hospitals and clinics.The bill is needed to block drug makers from limiting when and where a provider can provide prescriptions, supporters said. The revenue realized helps patients by subsidizing high-cost services, such as behavioral health care, as well as supporting clinics that provide free or low-cost services.“There are aspects of this program that are not as we would wish them to be,” said Rep. Mike Stephens, a Bolivar Republican, “but it is vitally important to the small hospitals, to the FQHCs and to many people who can’t afford medicines otherwise.”There was only nominal opposition to the bill, which passed 28-3 in the Senate and 133-18 in the House, with only Republicans voting against it.“It’s a problem, in my estimation, of a federal program that has seen significant increases in utilization and at the same time, there are big players that are directly benefiting in a way that most people would not assume,” one of the opponents, state Rep. Doug Richey, a Republican from Excelsior Springs, said in an interview with The Independent.The bill’s sponsors played on legislators’ sympathy for people struggling with high-cost care, Richey said.“When you have somebody get up on the floor, and they talk about patient care, the high costs of healthcare and helping people who are needing help, and then you start having anecdotes that are shared about the suffering and the anguish that people have, there is an emotional component to these types of bills that begins to take over,” Richey said.Francis said the bill fills in gaps in federal law.“That said ‘you will make these drugs available to these Missouri clinics,’” Francis said. “What it did not say is that big pharma, you can be in charge of dispensing and determining where you’re going to allow these drugs to go.”This story was originally published in The Missouri Independent, part of the States Newsroom.
[ad_2]
Source link
Politics
Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

[ad_1]
A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.
Brian Munoz
/
St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.
One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”
[ad_2]
Source link
Politics
Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

[ad_1]
Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.
[ad_2]
Source link
Politics
As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

[ad_1]
Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.
Dilpreet Raju
/
Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.
No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
[ad_2]
Source link
-
Politics11 months ago
Prenzler ‘reconsidered’ campaign donors, accepts vendor funds
-
Business2 years ago
Fields Foods to open new grocery in Pagedale in March
-
Board Bills2 years ago
2022-2023 Board Bill 168 — City’s Capital Fund
-
Board Bills6 months ago
2024-2025 Board Bill 80 — Prohibiting Street Takeovers
-
Business2 years ago
We Live Here Auténtico! | The Hispanic Chamber | Community and Connection Central
-
Entertainment2 years ago
St.Louis Man Sounds Just Like Whitley Hewsten, Plans on Performing At The Shayfitz Arena.
-
Board Bills2 years ago
2022-2023 Board Bill 189 — Public Works and Improvement Program at the Airport
-
Local News2 years ago
VIDEO: St. Louis Visitor Has Meltdown on TikTok Over Gunshots