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Missouri House GOP changes campaign leader amid row with Senate

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Missouri lawmakers return this week to Jefferson City for their annual session with a new fight brewing between House and Senate Republicans that may have hastened a change in duties for long-time House GOP political strategist Jonathan Ratliff.Ratliff, who leveraged his success building a legislative supermajority into a political consulting firm with a variety of clients, will be replaced as executive director of the House Republican Campaign Committee. Ratliff will be retained as a “senior consultant,” Majority Floor Leader Jon Patterson said in a statement issued Friday.In the statement, Patterson praised Ratliff for his performance, noting he had helped the committee, known as the HRCC, raise over $20 million and bring in 569 Republican victories in 14 years.The announcement came a week after the committee filed a brief with the Missouri Supreme Court in a lawsuit seeking changes to the state Senate district map. The filing prompted an urgent call from Senate Majority Leader Cindy O’Laughlin to Patterson asking why House Republicans wanted changes in a map that is acceptable to Senate Republicans.O’Laughlin said she thinks Ratliff used the HRCC to take a stand that benefits some of his consulting clients.“I think this is about outside interests,” O’Laughlin said. “He would rather see a Senate map different than it is right now.”In an interview, Ratliff declined to address O’Laughlin’s criticism. He said his goal over the past year has been to prepare for a transition at HRCC.“I am proud to have spent the last 14 years of my life working for HRCC building our record majorities and I look forward to helping the next generation of HRCC leaders continue our legacy of two decades in the majority as a senior advisor,” Ratliff said.The departure of Ratliff after 14 years with the HRCC was already in the works, Patterson said in an interview. The timing soon after the amicus, or “friend of the court,” brief that upset O’Laughlin was coincidental, he said.“This is something that had been in the works for a while now,” Patterson said. “And it preceded the amicus brief and really had nothing to do with that.”Ratliff has a busy year ahead. His company, Palm Strategic, works for House Speaker Dean Plocher, a candidate for lieutenant governor, and Senate President Pro Tem Caleb Rowden, a candidate for secretary of state, who both face hotly contested Republican primaries.“The members who are the ones responsible for raising money for HRCC have been very clear this cycle, that they want someone to focus solely on House races, and I’m going to honor that,” Patterson said.The dispute is one more problem to confound Republicans as they seek to align their fractious supermajorities for an election-year legislative program. The state Senate is riven by divisions that have stalled dozens of bills on the verge of passage during the past three years.The House begins the year with Speaker Dean Plocher under a cloud as the Ethics Committee investigates his unsuccessful push to award an expensive contract to a company to manages constituent information and a decision to fire his chief of staff. The committee is also looking into Plocher’s reimbursement requests after The Independent reported that on numerous occasions he illegally sought reimbursement for airfare, hotels and other travel costs already paid for by his campaign.The politics inside each chamber will be contentious. House members will vie with one another in open Senate seats. There are five Republican members of the Senate running for statewide office, with Rowden and state Sen. Denny Hoskins of Warrensburg both in the primary for secretary of state.At the same time, Democrats are hoping to crack the supermajorities in at least one chamber. The GOP has lost at least one seat in each of the past four elections, including three in the 2022 elections. The GOP has gone from 118 of 163 seats at the start of 2015 to 111 currently.Palm Strategic has been paid $1.4 million by various campaigns since the start of 2020, according to records of the Missouri Ethics Commission. More than one-third, almost $522,000, was from the HRCC, including a $6,000 monthly payment for Ratliff’s management services.Other major clients include Missouri Forward, Rowden’s joint fundraising PAC, which has paid Palm Strategic $192,387 in that period, and Uniting Missouri, the PAC supporting Gov. Mike Parson, with $157,534 in payments.The PAC supporting Plocher, Missouri United, has paid Palm Strategic $30,634 for consulting work this year.The purpose of each PAC, as well as Democratic counterpart committees, is to provide targeted assistance that support the election of Republicans and not to advance the political interests of any individual member.There has been growing discontent with Ratliff’s dual roles, said Rep. Don Mayhew, R-Crocker.“I know that that has been kind of a grumbling, over the years, including from me,” Mayhew said. “I know that was a problem that I had with it – you either do consulting for individual campaigns or you do HRCC. But I think it’s a conflict of interest if you try to do both.”In the case before the Missouri Supreme Court, voters are challenging the constitutionality of splitting political subdivisions in the creation of district maps. The lawsuit focuses on four districts, challenging the split in Buchanan County between the 12th and 34th Senate districts and the division of Hazelwood in St. Louis County between the 13th and 14th Senate districts.In September, Cole County Circuit Judge Jon Beetem rejected the challenge and found that the districts were a reasonable result of the process established by the Missouri Constitution.In the amicus, or “friend of the court,” brief, HRCC attorney Lowell Pearson argued that Beetem incorrectly interpreted the constitution’s directive not to cross political subdivision boundaries.“Under the state’s constitution, Senate and House districts shall be drawn in a way that follows the borders of cities and counties if it is possible to do so while abiding by other redistricting directives,” Pearson wrote. “This is a clear constitutional imperative.”If Beetem’s decision is allowed to stand, Pearson wrote, it “might well lead to otherwise unnecessary litigation challenging the House map.”The Missouri Senate Campaign Committee, the Senate GOP’s counterpart to the HRCC, on Tuesday filed an amicus brief supporting Beetem’s decision. Attorney Ed Greim wrote that the HRCC brief was filed to advance the interests of a few members and not the entire caucus.The HRCC has no direct interest in the Senate map because it is not responsible for electing Republicans to the Senate, Greim wrote.“Instead, individual members of the HRCC who aspire to advance to the Senate may have a purely personal interest in tailoring Senate districts in which they hope to run in the future,” Greim wrote.Greim was contemptuous of the arguments advanced by the HRCC that upholding Beetem’s decision would bring new lawsuits. Beetem found that the constitution permits the commissions that draw legislative district lines to split counties or cities if doing so would make districts more compact and within the tolerance for population differences between districts, Greim wrote.The HRCC brief argues that there is no allowance for splitting counties or cities with populations small enough to fit in a single district, he wrote.“The HRCC claims that any contrary reading will prompt endless litigation and even endanger the House map,” Greim wrote. “Hogwash.”Greim took other swipes at the HRCC in his brief.“In a surprising twist, the HRCC seeks leave to file an amicus brief in favor of the appellants, individuals aligned with Democratic interests,” Greim wrote. “This strange alignment is worthy of this Court’s attention because it speaks to the interest of each amicus.”O’Laughlin said she learned about the HRCC brief the day it was filed and asked Patterson to withdraw it.“I said if (Ratliff) was not going to be running HRCC, I asked them not to file that in the name of HRCC,” O’Laughlin said. “But you know, they wouldn’t and they did it anyway.”That made stating the Senate Republican position to the court an important step, she said.“The reason we filed one is to say listen, Republicans are not united in this situation,” O’Laughlin said. “And we certainly did not want the judges who were looking at it to think that this was something that we were all in support of because we are absolutely not supportive.”Patterson declined to answer if leadership of the HRCC was comfortable with the amicus brief remaining among the filings in the case now that Ratliff was taking a different role.If the high court overturns Beetem, he would be responsible for issuing an order changing the district boundaries. Because of the need to balance populations, the boundaries of five Senate districts, including two on the 2024 ballot, would change.The case is on an expedited schedule and all filings are due by Jan. 8. Oral arguments would take place at least a week later.Chuck Hatfield, attorney for the voters challenging the maps, said he would like the case resolved before filing opens in late February for offices on the August ballot.The dueling amicus briefs – and the internal GOP divisions they expose – highlight the consequences of the case, Hatfield said.“It shows that this is a very important matter and it is going to affect redistricting in the future for sure,” Hatfield said. “And it could affect other districts than those involved in this lawsuit.”This story was originally published by the Missouri Independent, part of the States Newsroom.Send questions and comments about this story to feedback@stlpr.org.

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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