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Kim Gardner to resign as St. Louis’ top prosecutor June 1

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St. Louis Circuit Attorney Kim Gardner will resign, effective June 1, ending a tumultuous tenure plagued by allegations of mismanagement and chronic staffing issues.In a statement, Gardner said her decision to leave was centered around scuttling legislation that would exert more state control over her office and the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department.“I can absorb these attacks, and I have,” Gardner wrote. “But I can neither enable nor allow the outright disenfranchisement of the people of the City of St. Louis, nor can I allow these outsiders to effectively shut down our important work.”Senate Minority Leader John Rizzo, D-Independence, said Gardner called him earlier this week and broached the possibility of resigning in exchange for lawmakers dropping the special prosecutor bill.Rizzo said that Senate President Pro Tem Caleb Rowden was involved in conversations with Gardner about resigning. Rizzo praised the Columbia Republican for treating Gardner with respect.

Jason Rosenbaum discusses Kim Gardner’s resignation on “St. Louis on the Air”

“I think that it is important to her that she left the office intact as far as autonomy and not having state control within the office, but I am very confident that she would like to move on with her life after being a political punching bag for the last five or six years,” Rizzo said. “I don’t know anybody that wouldn’t want to move on.”Gardner said: “The most powerful weapon I have to fight back against these outsiders stealing your voices and your rights is to step back. I took this job to serve the people of the City of St. Louis, and that’s still my North star.”Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey, who has been trying to oust her with a court process called quo warranto, questioned why Gardner was waiting until June 1 to step down, adding that his bid to remove her from office would continue.“Every day she remains puts the city of St. Louis in more danger. How many victims will there be between now and June 1?” Bailey said. “How many defendants will have their constitutional rights violated? How many cases will continue to go unprosecuted?”Gardner’s resignation, announced Thursday, came after a particularly damaging week for the Democratic prosecutor, including a judge allowing most of Bailey’s case to remove her from office to go forward and revelations that she was taking nursing classes at St. Louis University during a staffing crisis at her office.While Gardner proclaimed over the weekend that she had no plans to step aside, the news about her time at SLU, first reported by the Riverfront Times, may have been a key piece of evidence against her. Bailey needed to prove that Gardner is willfully neglecting her duties, and legal experts told St. Louis Public Radio that taking extensive classes could broach that threshold.Political support for Gardner already was eroding, including among Democrats. St. Louis Mayor Tishaura Jones said earlier this year that Gardner needed to do “soul-searching” about whether she wanted to continue in her post. And momentum was building in Jefferson City to pass legislation allowing the governor to appoint a special prosecutor who could handle key aspects of Gardner’s duties, such as violent crimes.On Thursday, Jones said: “In February, I said Circuit Attorney Gardner should take accountability for her office … to determine whether or not she wants to continue in her role. She has clearly taken that advice to heart by offering her resignation.”Jones said Gardner “made history by becoming the first Black woman to lead the office,” adding that “there’s no doubt she has faced more obstacles than her predecessors because of it.”“Our Circuit Attorney’s Office is a critical public safety partner, and it must be managed and staffed effectively to help protect constitutional rights and deliver justice,” Jones said. “No one wanted to see the Circuit Attorney’s Office fail, and my administration has reached out consistently to the office to offer assistance. We are hopeful that the governor will work with local leaders to appoint a successor who reflects the values of communities across St. Louis.”As alluded to in Jones’ statement, Gov. Mike Parson will appoint Gardner’s replacement to fill the remainder of her term, which runs through the end of 2024. While he could pick a fellow Republican, Parson has said he will work with Jones to decide on a replacement. Because St. Louis is heavily Democratic, selecting a Republican successor could mean there would be a leadership change in the office after 2024.“We fully understand the gravity of this situation and approach our duty to appoint a replacement with the utmost seriousness. We will immediately start the replacement process according to the Missouri Constitution” and state statute, Parson said. “We are committed to finding a candidate who represents the community, values public safety, and can help restore faith in the city’s criminal justice system.”

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioSt. Louis Circuit Attorney Kim Gardner, center, listens as a staffer pushes back on a reporter question during a Feb. 23 press conference regarding public calls for her resignation at the Mel Carnahan Courthouse in downtown St. Louis.

Promising start, mounting problemsGardner, 47, took an unusual path to become the city’s first Black circuit attorney.Her family ran a funeral home in north St. Louis. Gardner earned an undergraduate degree at Harris-Stowe State University, as well as law and nursing degrees at St. Louis University. She worked in the St. Louis circuit attorney’s office for about five years.Gardner’s first foray into electoral politics was unsuccessful, as she was crushed by then-state Rep. Jamilah Nasheed in a 2008 Democratic primary for state representative. But Gardner said during a 2015 episode of Politically Speaking that Nasheed called her to run in the race to succeed her in the House. She won that contest easily.After spending two terms in the House, Gardner entered the Democratic primary to succeed retiring Circuit Attorney Jennifer Joyce. She prevailed over three opponents on a platform to increase racial diversity in the circuit attorney’s office and push for stricter gun laws.From a political standpoint, Gardner was adept at building a multiracial coalition of voters to win her two elections. Even though she had strong ties with people like former Congressman Lacy Clay and his allies, Gardner also received both organizational and financial support from progressive politicians and groups.She said she wanted to build trust between law enforcement and Black people, especially after a Ferguson police officer fatally shot Michael Brown in 2014.“We have to hold the serious individuals accountable for the violent crime we’re seeing,” she said. “And we need witnesses and victims to come forward — and feel comfortable coming forward.”

Carolina Hidalgo

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St. Louis Public RadioFormer Gov. Eric Greitens walks away from reporters in May 2018 after making a statement after invasion of privacy charges were dropped against him outside the St. Louis Civil Courts building.

Greitens trial proved pivotal Gardner faced headwinds early in her tenure, especially after staffers in the circuit attorney’s office began to leave. That left Gardner to hire replacements who had much less institutional knowledge and experience.But it was the prosecution of then-Gov. Eric Greitens that turned the spotlight most directly on the office.Gardner charged Greitens with invasion of privacy after a woman with whom he was having an affair accused the Republican governor of taking a semi-nude photo of her without her permission. Investigators were never able to find the photo on Greitens’ iPhone or cloud storage.The high-profile case imploded after Greitens’ attorneys accused an outside investigator in the case hired by Gardner, William Tisaby, of making false statements during a deposition. After a judge ruled that Greitens’ lawyers could question Gardner about why she didn’t correct Tisaby’s misstatements, she dropped the case.Greitens would later reach a deal with the circuit attorney’s office to resign as governor in exchange for prosecutors dropping separate campaign finance charges against him.Gardner last year admitted to violating state court operating rules in her handling of the case. The Missouri Supreme Court issued a fine and a reprimand. Tisaby pleaded guilty to a single misdemeanor count of evidence tampering.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public Radio William Tisaby, second from left, walks from the Civil Courts Building in St. Louis alongside his legal counsel in March 2022, after pleading guilty to a misdemeanor charge in connection with a 2018 criminal investigation of then-Missouri Gov. Eric Greitens. Tisaby, a former FBI agent, was hired as an investigator by St. Louis Circuit Attorney Kim Gardner for the case.

Gardner’s relationship with the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department also was antagonistic. She said she needed to hire Tisaby for the Greitens case because the department refused to investigate the allegations, something the department denied. She and former Police Chief John Hayden got into an extended spat over a list of officers excluded from bringing cases to her office. And in 2020, she sued the city, its police union and five other defendants over what she described as a racist conspiracy to block her criminal justice reform agenda.A federal judge dismissed the case, calling it “a conglomeration of unrelated claims and conclusory statements supported by very few facts, which do not plead any recognizable cause of action.”Ultimately though, the controversies Gardner encountered in her first term did not affect her ability to get reelected. She easily defeated a Democratic primary opponent in 2020 before cruising to another four-year term against a GOP opponent.And earlier this year, Gardner prevailed in what was arguably the pinnacle of her time in office: successfully convincing a judge, along with a group of private attorneys, that Lamar Johnson should be freed after nearly 30 years in prison for a murder he didn’t commit.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioLamar Johnson, who was wrongfully convicted of murder and jailed for nearly 30 years, speaks to the media on Feb. 14 after being released alongside Circuit Attorney Kim Gardner, left, and attorney Lindsay Runnels, right, at the Mel Carnahan Courthouse in downtown St. Louis.

Free fallThe glory around Johnson being freed from jail faded rapidly.Just four days later, on Feb. 18, Daniel Riley sped through a stop sign in downtown St. Louis and caused a crash that critically injured a 17-year-old volleyball player in town for a tournament. Janae Edmundson had to have both her legs amputated.Riley, 21, was on electronic monitoring for an armed robbery and had violated the terms of his bond several times. But Gardner’s office had never officially filed a motion to revoke that bond and send him back to jail.It was that case that prompted Jones and Board of Aldermen President Megan Green to pull back on their support of Gardner, with whom the two were aligned on many criminal justice issues. Bailey demanded her resignation, then launched a legal effort known as a quo warranto to oust her when she refused.The exodus of assistant circuit attorneys accelerated, with media reports indicating that there were fewer than five prosecutors handling hundreds of felony cases. That led to numerous instances in which the office had no one present at court hearings.Fed up with the situation, two circuit judges would separately order Gardner to explain why she and her assistants should not be held in contempt of court. One judge, Scott Millikan, would rule the office did not deliberately fail to show up and therefore the high bar for contempt was not met.

Robert Cohen

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Pool PhotoJudge Michael Noble calls the circuit attorney’s office “a rudderless ship of chaos”, on April 27 as he holds a contempt of court hearing against St. Louis Circuit Attorney Kimberly M. Gardner at the Mel Carnahan Courthouse in downtown St. Louis.

But his colleague, Michael Noble, ordered Gardner and a former assistant, Chris Desilets, to essentially stand trial on indirect criminal contempt charges. That case had been scheduled for a hearing on May 30.Some experienced legal observers saw what was happening in Gardner’s office as an unprecedented crisis. Joe Dandurand, a former deputy attorney general and judge, said he was dumbfounded that Gardner didn’t ask for help from outside prosecutors to help alleviate the massive caseload for her attorneys.“I’ve been at this for over 40 years,” he said. “I’ve never seen anything like this.”The turmoil built momentum in the Missouri General Assembly for a proposal allowing the governor to appoint a special prosecutor to handle a great deal of Gardner’s duties. Supporters, detractors reactReaction to Gardner’s resignation was swift. Many of Gardner’s legislative critics praised the move, including the GOP House leadership team that’s led by House Speaker Dean Plocher.“Now is the time for local leadership to take responsibility and take action to once again earn the trust of the people and return St. Louis to the great city we all know it should be,” the statement from House leadership said. “It is time to work together to restore accountability, deliver justice for victims, stand with our brave men and women in law enforcement, and restore the rule of law in the city of St. Louis.”Greater St. Louis Inc. President Jason Hall said Gardner’s resignation “was long overdue.”“As we have said for months, her incompetent management and unforgiveable failures have made our community less safe and criminals more emboldened. That combination failed the people who elected her and residents across the St. Louis metro,” Hall said. “Violent crime is one of the largest barriers to economic growth and prosperity in our metro area. We hope new leadership in the circuit attorney’s office will bring clear focus on reducing violent crime, ensuring justice, and rebuilding trust in the criminal justice system.”State Sen. Steve Roberts, a former assistant circuit attorney who represents a portion of St. Louis, said, “An effective and dedicated circuit attorney is of the utmost importance for ensuring that the victims of crimes, their families, and the accused receive justice.”“Violent crime impacts all of St. Louis, and those who fill the role of purveyors of justice have an enormous responsibility,” Roberts said. “Kim Gardner is making what she believes is the best decision given the circumstances, and the best decision for the City of St. Louis.”Roberts said that while he was initially surprised to see Gardner resign, he also had concerns about the backlog of cases.He agreed Gardner resigning could take the pressure off passing the bill containing the special prosecutor language and the state takeover of the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department.“I think that takes a lot of the air out of their arguments,” Roberts said.Roberts was one of several Senate Democrats who were a part of a nine-hour filibuster in the effort to stop the passage of the bill with those provisions.State Sen. Karla May, D-St. Louis, said her initial reaction to Gardner’s resignation was sadness. She also said only Gardner can know if this was the right decision to make.“I’m not here to judge Kim Gardner’s decision, but I think she made a courageous decision to move to set herself aside in order to protect the voters and the future of that office in the city of St. Louis. That’s courageous to me,” May said.Rizzo said the standing for the quo warranto would almost certainly vanish once Gardner departed from office. He was also highly critical of how Bailey handled that case.“I firmly believe that Andrew Bailey wanted to campaign for the next year on Kim Gardner and her removal and have this facade of a show in September,” Rizzo said. “Caleb Rowden was able to be the adult in the room and get done what Andrew Bailey could not get done.” Gardner’s resignation statement

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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