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Kansas City wants to regulate guns. Missouri won’t let them

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Missouri Gov. Mike Parson was met with boos as he addressed a crowd of thousands at the Kansas City Chiefs victory parade on Wednesday.“If you wanna see the Lombardi Trophy,” Parson declared, “you’re going to have to fly your asses to Kansas City, Missouri, and we’ll show you four trophies.”Just half an hour later — after Parson handed over the microphone to the returning Super Bowl champions and festivities began wrapping up — gunfire rang out near the Union Station stage. Pandemonium erupted as the large crowd scattered.The Republican governor and his wife, Teresa, were still attending the event when the shooting took place. They were both safe from the violence.Almost two dozen people were injured, however, and one person — Lisa Lopez-Galvan, a beloved radio DJ for KKFI — was killed. Nine children were among those shot.In a Thursday interview with a Kansas City radio talk show host Pete Mundo, Parson blamed the shooting on seemingly everything but guns.“We can’t let some thugs and criminals take over and ruin what happened,” Parson said. “It’s just sad. I was there yesterday. I feel for these parents, these kids, everything that went on, it was such a wonderful day and then all of a sudden you end with that.”Parson’s six years as governor of Missouri have been defined in large part by his support of weakening gun restrictions and often adversarial approach to Kansas City’s Democratic-led government — made possible through the support of a Republican-dominated legislature.

Missouri Gov. Mike Parson celebrates signing a law in 2021 that invalidated federal gun laws in Missouri. A federal judge later ruled the state law unconstitutional.

Even before Wednesday’s mass shooting, gun violence has remained an ongoing problem. Last year, Kansas City, Missouri, saw 185 homicides, a record number. That includes fatal police shootings, which KCPD does not report in its homicide statistics. But, city officials have their hands tied by the state of Missouri when it comes to passing meaningful gun safety laws. Local lawmakers can’t do much, if anything at all, to regulate firearms in Kansas City. “I’m telling you, right now, for me and Teresa, our hearts and prayers, it doesn’t seem like enough,” Parson told Mundo. “But it’s all we’ve got to offer right now.”
On Thursday, Missouri House Speaker Dean Plocher abruptly ended a press conference after a series of questions on gun safety.“We’re looking at that investigation as it’s unfolding, obviously. We’re rather sorry for those who have lost their lives, they’re heavily weighed on our shoulders we saw what happened. And as that unfolds, we’ll have greater comment.”

Media surround Mayor Quinton Lucas, far left, Interim Fire Chief Ross Grundyson, and Kansas City Police Chief Stacey Graves on Thursday during a press conference about the mass shooting at the Kansas City Chiefs parade.

Why Kansas City can’t pass its own gun controlKansas City is handcuffed on gun safety initiatives by a longstanding Missouri law, known as preemption, that prevents any county, city or municipality from passing legislation regulating the sale, purchase, transfer, ownership, use, possession, transportation, licensing, permit and registration of firearms.Those powers rest solely in the hands of the Missouri legislature.“One is stuck between a rock and a hard place,” Mayor Quinton Lucas told NPR’s All Things Considered on Thursday afternoon. “You can constantly run afoul of state laws.”With a Republican supermajority that attempts every year to further erode any lingering gun regulations in the state, Kansas City lawmakers don’t believe that change — or help for combating gun violence — is coming any time soon.“I’m not hopeful,” Missouri Democratic Rep. Ashley Aune told KCUR’s Up to Date on Thursday. “The only solution to this is electing more Democrats in Missouri, full stop. That’s the only way things will change. Republicans have had a supermajority in our state. They have been running everything for 20 years. That is why we are where we’re at today with our very lax gun laws.”Aune was inside Union Station when the shooting began. She said she hid in a bathroom with another Missouri legislator from the Kansas City area, Rep. Emily Weber.

Eric Lee

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St. Louis Public RadioMissouri State Rep. Ashley Aune, D-Kansas City, was inside the city’s Union Station when a mass shooting began during a Kansas City Chiefs victory parade and rally in Kansas City.

Other Democratic lawmakers, several of whom were not far from Wednesday’s violence, shared Aune’s frustration.Kansas City Council member Andrea Bough was at the rally with her 20-year-old son when gunshots rang out. She said she’s feeling frustrated because she can’t craft or pass legislation as a city council member to regulate guns.“We are limited, and those at the state and, and frankly at the federal level, have refused to act,” Bough said. “We, here, at the local level who are living with it, are helpless. I mean, I feel helpless as a mother, watching children and hearing the stories of children and hearing the stories of the number of children that were physically harmed yesterday.”“It just breaks my heart that I got into public service to help people,” Bough continued. “And there is very little I can do to help.”Bough said she doesn’t think this recent, and high-profile, mass shooting will be enough to galvanize Missouri lawmakers to make reforms.“I don’t see that as enough to move the needle far enough to make for meaningful action to occur,” she said. “I’m just pessimistic. I would love for this to be the catalyst for change. I hate that it had to happen again, but at some point it has to be enough.”I have so many thoughts and emotions still this morning, but the one thing that truly frustrates me is that I cannot go into City Hall and do anything meaningful to address gun violence in Kansas City.— Andrea Bough (@AndreaBough) February 15, 2024
Jackson County Legislator Manny Abarca IV was at the rally with his daughter. When the gunfire began, he picked her up and rushed into Pierpont’s — a fine dining restaurant — in Union Station.Abarca said he’s ready to craft policies addressing gun control, even in the face of Missouri’s strict rules. He said he would host a county meeting on Monday at 10:30 a.m. to discuss reforms.“I don’t care what the legality says preemption may do. I want that policy on my desk,” Abarca said. “I want to send a clear message to Jefferson City that in this county, this legislator is going to act, and if that means were preempted, then be prepared for a lawsuit. And I think it’s those types of actions that local elected officials can take to show that we’re not we’re not playing with this issue.”
Kansas City’s inability to pass local gun reform also overlaps with the inability to control its own police department.The Kansas City Police Department is governed by the state of Missouri, through a five-person Board of Police Commissioners, four of whom are appointed by the governor; the fifth member is the Kansas City mayor.Kansas City is the only major city in the U.S. to have this kind of arrangement.The police governing system and preemption laws impact how Kansas City officials can govern. The most control City Council can exercise is over the KCPD budget. But even then, a state law requires the city to allocate 25% of its general fund to the police.“We don’t really have the ability to even address public safety,” Bough said. “We write a check.”In his recent city budget proposal, Lucas proposed pay increases for KCPD officers, including raising starting salaries by 30%. But as he told NPR, a lack of police presence wasn’t the problem at the Chiefs parade and rally, which was staffed by more than 800 law enforcement officers from 30 agencies.“That tell us that the guns, that the types of guns that we have, and their accessibility, easy availability, is a problem,” Lucas said.Local and state efforts to pass gun reform

Kansas City Mayor Quinton Lucas is sworn in for his second term in August 2023. Lucas said one of his main priorities was stopping gun violence.

Despite all that, Kansas City officials have still attempted to pass gun control measures in hopes of combating the city’s high homicide rates.Spearheaded by Kansas City Mayor Quinton Lucas, the council last summer passed two gun control measures, which ban devices that turn guns into fully automatic weapons and prohibit the transfer of weapons and ammunition to minors.Officials said the ordinances would target an increase in fatal shootings caused by a proliferation of automatic guns, and an increase in violence involving young people.The new ordinances give law enforcement another arrestable offense to get criminals and weapons off the streets. Violators face up to a $1,000 fine or 180 days in jail.The mayor’s office said the two proposals are legal and align with Missouri’s existing rules. But speaking on KCUR’s Up To Date in September, Parson criticized the attempt at passing gun laws.“You can’t supersede state law, just like I can’t supersede federal law,” Parson said.Still, local officials want more power and say in regulating guns. A ballot initiative campaign called “Sensible Missouri” would allow voters to give Kansas City and St. Louis the ability to pass their own gun laws. A lawsuit put that initiative on hold.Lucas said last summer on KCUR’s Kansas City Today podcast that restoring local control would make communities safer.“A one-size-fits-all approach in Missouri that’s existed for a while, for some time, isn’t working when we talk about gun violence,” Lucas said.Few gun laws in Missouri but a lot of gun deaths

Carlos Moreno

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KCUR 89.3 Rosilyn Temple with Mothers in Charge stands near a crime scene on College Avenue near 74th Street on June 14, 2023 where a homicide occurred in the morning. She was standing by to comfort neighbors and family.

Missouri ranks as one of the states with the loosest gun laws in the U.S., according to the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. At the same time, Missouri also ranked as the fourth highest for gun deaths in 2022, according to annual Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearm data.Missouri law does not require permits when purchasing or carrying firearms, whether concealed or in the open, and also doesn’t require people to register their firearms. Missourians are not required to obtain a license to shoot a firearm, either.In Missouri, open carry of guns in public is legal, although people are not allowed to do so in a “threatening” way. Concealed carry of firearms is also legal.Kansas City, Missouri, does restrict concealed carry of guns in several places, including hospitals, places of worship, liquor stores, near polling areas, schools or childcare facilities, sporting venues, government buildings and jails or law enforcement buildings.In recent years, Parson and Missouri’s Republican-dominated legislature have pushed through new laws to loosen what few gun rules the state does have. One proposal even reached the U.S. Supreme Court.In 2021, Parson signed the “Second Amendment Preservation Act” into law. The legislation allowed citizens to file lawsuits for up to $50,000 if they believed that enforcement of federal gun laws violated their constitutional rights to keep and bear arms.The law brought an end to several partnerships between local police departments and federal law enforcement, for fear that working together might garner lawsuits. A lawsuit backed by 60 Missouri police chiefs claimed the law opened up police departments to the possibility of lawsuits for enforcing any gun regulations, at all.The U.S. Justice Department, St. Louis City and County, and Jackson County all sued to block the law. In March 2023, a U.S. district court judge ruled that it was unconstitutional, violating the standard that federal law trumps state law.The attorney general appealed, with Parson’s support. But the U.S. Supreme Court declined to take up the case. That means the law remains blocked, and Missouri can’t enforce it.Gun proposals in Missouri’s current legislative session

Tristen Rouse

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St. Louis Public RadioMissouri House Speaker Dean Plocher, R-Des Peres, walks through the House on the first day of the 2024 legislative session on Jan. 3 at the Capitol in Jefferson City.

But even as courts nullified one attempt to loosen gun restrictions, Republican lawmakers have kept trying.More than a dozen proposed laws in Missouri’s current legislative session would make guns easier to buy, more widespread, and harder to regulate.The proposed bills would make purchasing firearms easier for felons who plead guilty or no contest to a crime; allow more guns in public places likepublic transit and in K-12 school buildings; and restrict employers from banning employees from being armed while at work, among other thing.In January, the Missouri House Committee on Elementary and Secondary Education moved forward with HB 1440, a law that would allow local administrators to increase how many people are allowed to carry weapons inside schools.In the Missouri Senate, SB 1273 would allow anyone with valid concealed carry permits to carry firearms on public transportation and inside churches. It would also lower the age requirement to apply for a concealed carry permit in Missouri, from 19 to 18.Another proposal is the “Anti-Red Flag Gun Seizure Act,” which would make it illegal for federal or judicial orders to confiscate firearms from “law abiding citizens.”Red flag gun laws are gun safety measures on the city and state level — and which often come up after mass shootings — that allow authorities to disarm an individual judged to be a threat to themselves and others.

Julie Denesha

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KCUR 89.3Fans begin to gather in front of Union Station to celebrate the Kansas City Chief’s Super Bowl LVII victory in Feb. 2023 before a parade and rally in downtown Kansas City.

Democrats in the Missouri legislature, meanwhile, have put forward several bills over the last two years to address gun violence, with limited success.A bill banning celebratory gunfire within municipality limits, dubbed Blair’s Law, was reintroduced this session by Rep. Mark Sharp, D-Kansas City. Blair’s Law was included last session as part of an omnibus public safety bill that passed out of the Missouri General Assembly, but it was vetoed as a whole by Parson.Blair’s Law is named after Blair Shanahan Lane, an 11-year-old Kansas City girl killed by a stray bullet shot into the sky during July Fourth celebrations in 2011.Parson said he couldn’t approve the bill due to some of its other provisions, but he noted that he would support Blair’s Law if it stood on its own.In an interview with KCUR in Dec. 2023, Sharp said he expects Blair’s Law will receive full support from the legislature. The bill recently won first-round approval in the Missouri House.“There are far too many instances in this state and unfortunately in our urban areas where people simply just lack the care they need to have with firearms,” Sharp said.Another bill, SB 996, would make it a crime to knowingly fail to secure a firearm in the presence of a child under 17 years of age, and make it a class D felony or higher if the firearm causes harm or death to a child. The bill moved to committee in late January.Missouri State Sen. Angela Mosley, D-St. Louis County, filed a bill this session that would restrict the purchase of assault weapons and large capacity weapons and make the illegal purchase of those items a class-C felony. The bill would also restrict any person 16 years or older with a history of confinement for mental illness from purchasing firearms without court approval.It has yet to move past a second reading.St. Louis Public Radio’s Sarah Kelloggand the NPR Midwest Newsroom’s Daniel Wheaton contributed to this report.

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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