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Illinois’ weight-loss drug coverage costs could skyrocket

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Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker’s office pushed to expand coverage of high-priced weight-loss drugs for state government’s workforce, a quiet maneuver which could cost Illinois taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars starting this summer.These boutique weight-loss drugs have been championed by former NBA star Charles Barkley, comedian Amy Schumer and others because of how they trigger dramatic changes in a person’s waistline. The results can be akin to bariatric surgery but at a prohibitive cost — in some cases, more than $16,000 a year.In making highly sought-after injectable medications like Wegovy, Mounjaro and Ozempic available to eligible enrollees in the state’s group health insurance program, Pritzker’s administration is seeking an estimated $210 million to fund the first full year of broadened coverage, starting July 1.That’s when all health insurance carriers involved in the state health program have to cover those drugs for state workers, legislators, judges and their dependents.Pritzker’s administration says access to the medication will yield important health benefits for those who take advantage of the benefit and would equitably give access to the medication across the state’s insurance plans.But one economist who has studied the cost impact of this new class of drugs told WBEZ the state’s yearly outlay could cost as much as three times the state’s estimate, depending on the number of people who access the program.That Illinois may soon experience such sticker shock is classic Springfield — as in, always read the fine print.In an 899-page budget bill approved the final day of the spring legislative session last May, a four-sentence provision codified for the first time that carriers in the state program “shall provide coverage for all types of injectable medicines prescribed on-label or off-label to improve glucose or weight loss for use by adults diagnosed or previously diagnosed with prediabetes, gestational diabetes, or obesity.”But who gave the go-ahead to include those four sentences in the bill, adding what could be hundreds of millions of dollars of coverage costs, is difficult to say.During floor debate, its sponsors in the Democratic-led General Assembly did not disclose that the measure was in the budget-implementation bill. In turn, that meant no discussion about what the seemingly innocuous add-on might really cost.The bill breezed by lawmakers in both parties, even those specializing in state budget matters.Multiple legislators learned about the initiative for the first time after being reached by WBEZ.“Dropping a bill out of the air on the last day of session with something in it that nobody knows about and then blowing the doors off the budget, that is insanity,” said state Sen. Chapin Rose, R-Mahomet, ranking Republican on the Senate Appropriations Committee.Rose, who voted against the budget measure last May, was one of those lawmakers unaware of the provision and its nine-figure cost a full 11 months after the fact.“This is a flat-out indictment of a process where bills are voted on with thousands of pages dropped as they’re being voted on, within an hour of being voted on, within a couple hours of being voted on, and nobody voting for them even knows what’s in them,” Rose said.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioIllinois House Speaker Emanuel Chris Welch, D-Westchester, calls a joint meeting of the Illinois House and Senate last February in Springfield, Ill.

Despite concern, coverage quietly pushed throughThis class of drugs, known as GLP-1 receptor agonists, have enabled overweight people to reduce their weight by more than 20% over 36 months, one national study has shown. The drugs suppress appetite by moderating the effects of dopamine and changing how sugar is processed by the body.“By adding coverage for injectable weight loss medications to state health insurance plans, more people will have a chance to eliminate long-term health problems,” said Cathy Kwiatkowski, a spokeswoman for the state Department of Central Management Services, which administers the state health insurance program.She said those on the state health program with pre-diabetes, gestational diabetes or obesity are eligible for the drugs if “deemed medically appropriate by the physician.” Enrollees also are required under the law “to participate in their health plan’s lifestyle management program,” Kwiatkowski said.“Taking into account projected utilization and the law that was passed by the legislature, CMS made a budget request for up to $210M for this expansion,” she said.Last year’s legislation did not apply to the 3.9 million low-income and disabled Illinoisans enrolled in Medicaid, a population that generally struggles with obesity at higher levels than the overall population. Nationally, Medicaid and CHIP recipients reported a 38% obesity rate — substantially more than the 29% obesity rate reported among Illinois’ 12.8 million residents.State retirees enrolled in Medicare Advantage plans through the state group plan also were not made eligible for coverage.Leading up to last spring’s budget vote, the governor was silent about the provision to expand coverage of injectable weight-loss medications to state health insurance participants. He didn’t bring it up during his February 2023 budget address. And after signing the state budget last June, there also was no mention of the expansion.Within Pritzker’s office, the idea to expand coverage of these drugs appears to have originated with the governor’s chief of staff, Anne Caprara, who is the first to mention the idea in emails obtained from the governor’s office by WBEZ under the state Freedom of Information Act.Records show on Feb. 1, 2023, Caprara emailed several key staffers in the governor’s office to convene a meeting “for a discussion about state health insurance coverage (as well as other health insurance plans) of drugs like Ozempic, wegovy (sic) and mounjaro (sic).” She made a point in the note to say she wanted the group, “because of time constraints,” to meet “AFTER the budget rollout mid-month” by Pritzker.There’s no record in the documents turned over by Pritzker’s office of any involvement by the governor himself in the decision to expand coverage of the drugs ahead of signing the budget last June or in the legislative strategy making it state law.There also is no record in the emails of involvement by state government’s largest employee union, AFSCME Council 31, which represents roughly 35,000 state workers.Ahead of the measure’s legislative passage, the emails showed there was recognition internally within the governor’s office about the initiative’s expensive cost.Aides to Pritzker, including Caprara, were included in a May 5, 2023, email from the cabinet secretary whose agency manages the state health insurance program. CMS director Raven DeVaughn assessed “cost implications” of covering injectable weight-loss drugs.But in records provided to WBEZ, the Pritzker administration blacked out what DeVaughn said to the group. The administration redacted and, in an unclear number of times, withheld documents, saying they were draft records or recommendations, or pertained to personal privacy involving information that is “highly personal or objectionable to a reasonable person.”In another instance, Pritzker’s budget director, Alexis Sturm, appeared to question why the measure would be inserted into the budget implementation bill at all.“That had been flagged as potentially having a pretty high cost,” she wrote two days before final passage of the bill to a Senate Democratic staffer and other key aides within the offices of the governor and House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch, D-Hillside.“We don’t need this in the BIMP right now,” Sturm told the group, describing a familiar legislative acronym for a traditional piece of the state budget package known as the budget-implementation bill.But it went into that bill anyway.

Eric Lee

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St. Louis Public RadioIllinois Governor J.B. Pritzker speaks during a press conference last month in Belleville.

‘Equity’ is the aimPritzker spokeswoman Jordan Abudayyeh said the administration’s aim with the initiative was to achieve “equity” among all nine different health insurance plans offered by the state to its employees. She said two insurance carriers were not covering the drugs.Abudayyeh said her boss, Caprara, took an interest in the idea after seeing a media report that outlined the difficulty a government worker in another state was having obtaining the injectable weight-loss drugs. Abudayyeh said Caprara wanted to be sure the state workforce here “wouldn’t face the same challenges in obtaining these medications.”“As the governor’s chief of staff, it is her job to identify problems and fix them — that’s what she did in this situation,” Abudayyeh said.There is no record within 350 pages of emails turned over to WBEZ by the governor’s office and the governor’s budget office of anyone last spring discussing the need to achieve equity among all state group health insurance plans.When asked whether the governor was aware of the expansion of coverage and its costs, Abudayyeh responded in email:“The governor was made aware of the disparities in state worker health plans during session and was made aware of the language in the BIMP when he reviewed the BIMP with his team before signing it into law.”The administration’s $210 million ask to expand coverage of injectable weight-loss drugs is part of a major projected escalation in health care costs associated with the state health insurance program. It’s expected to have nearly $3.8 billion in total expenses in the fiscal year that begins in July.Coverage of such drugs is driving up costs for some states across the country. Last month, a report by the Commission on Government Forecasting & Accountability, the non-partisan fiscal research arm of the legislature, cited coverage of the weight-loss drugs as one driver of a nearly 17% increase in state group health insurance liabilities for the upcoming state fiscal year. That’s the steepest rise in expenses in eight years, the report said.The CGFA report also showed that in 2024, prescription drug prices for the state health program were expected to be up by about 36%. That is more than triple the national increase in drug prices of nearly 10% — and now, this new drug initiative could be piled on top of those costs.Abudayyeh stressed that the $210 million estimate for the injectable weight-loss drugs may not fully materialize.“Because these medications are new, that number is an estimate, and it is possible this ends up costing less, depending on uptake,” she said, using a term to describe how many enrollees may actually wind up using the medication. “But we must budget for the high end of the estimates to ensure the budget remains in balance.”Still, at least one expert says that cost could get much higher.Much higher cost estimatesNationally, these high-priced drugs are not fully paying for themselves through lessened costs for obesity-related maladies.One group of researchers recently warned in a New York Times piece that the drugs could be government budget-busters and pose “an enormous risk to America’s taxpayers.” The authors included a former director of the National Economic Council, chairman of the economics department at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and a former staff economist at the Council of Economic Advisers in the White House.If injectable weight-loss drugs remain at current pricing levels, they predicted the cost of making them available to all obese Americans could top $1 trillion annually. That would eclipse the $800 billion they estimate in annual savings from having fewer cases of diabetes and other obesity-related illnesses.Reached by WBEZ, one of the co-authors of that piece looked at Illinois’ potential costs and savings associated with making the injectable weight-loss drugs available to state health insurance program enrollees.The net cost to Illinois in mandating coverage of the drugs for those in the state health insurance program could range between $300 million and more than $461 million if half of the eligible individuals on the state program that are estimated to be obese partake in coverage, said Cummings, who helped research economic policy in the White House under Democratic President Joe Biden.To come up with those numbers, Cummings said he took into account the number of enrollees in the state health program, the state’s average obesity rate, the average cost of injectable weight-loss drugs and the health-related benefits resulting from the drugs.At the upper range, Cummings said the state could have to spend as much as $590 million, and those expenditures would then be offset by slightly more than $129 million in health-related savings.Cummings said if the costs for the drugs far exceed any health-related savings — and if pharmaceutical companies won’t lower prices — the Pritzker administration could face difficult decisions.“Do you force people to pay more in their premiums? Do you issue new bonds to finance this? Do you have to raise taxes? Or do you tell people who are on it, sorry you’ve got to get off it now and you’re going to gain your weight back,” he said. “There are a lot of invidious choices if we can’t figure out collectively as a government and as policymakers…a way to get the cost of this drug down.”Abudayyeh dismissed Cummings’ calculations when told of them.“You’ll have to forgive us for not taking seriously back of the napkin cost analysis from someone who does not know the particulars of the state insurance plans,” she said.As more becomes known about the cost-benefit scenario associated with this class of drugs, one other state — North Carolina — was forced to pull the plug in April on its insurance coverage of injectable weight-loss drugs for its government workers. The state faced a possible $170 million bill for the drugs had it not ended its program.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioLegislators listen to Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker deliver his annual budget address last February at the statehouse in Springfield, Ill.

Legislative transparency in questionRoughly four weeks remain before Illinois lawmakers are scheduled to end their spring session.Facing an unexpected cost for the enhancement, legislators will have to decide whether to follow North Carolina’s lead and scale back the drug coverage that Springfield Democrats authorized last year. Abudayyeh said that is not an option the administration is considering.Or, they’ll have to decide whether to go along with the Pritzker administration’s request for money to fund the new drug — a cost, by comparison, that is almost exactly equivalent to what education advocates are seeking to pay for free breakfasts and lunches to any Illinois student who wants it. (Last year, the legislature authorized that school initiative but didn’t appropriate the money for it.)Veteran state Rep. Fred Crespo, D-Hoffman Estates, isn’t sure what lawmakers will do about the funding request for injectable weight-loss drug coverage, but he’s frustrated that he had to learn about the mandate from a news reporter.And this is a lawmaker who knows a thing or two about state budgeting.“Something like this just illustrates how dangerous it is to put things in the BIMP bill of this magnitude,” Crespo said. “To my knowledge, it was never vetted. It was never discussed.”Crespo chairs one of five budget-writing committees in the Illinois House. Earlier this month, the head of CMS testified in front of Crespo’s panel about the projected jump in state health care spending but didn’t mention specifically that injectable weight-loss drugs were now an apparent funding priority.After 18 years in Springfield, Crespo has often seen the hiding of expensive or controversial items in sprawling budget-implementation bills. A couple of months ago, he set out to shine some sunlight on the process.In February, Crespo introduced legislation requiring that any expensive new add-ons to end-of-session budget implementation bills go to House and Senate appropriations committees at least two business days before being heard.“I just wonder how many other things are in that BIMP that we don’t know about,” Crespo said.Abudayyeh, however, offered little sympathy to Crespo, Rose and possibly others who had no idea that the weight-loss expansion was in the bill.“Perhaps the better question is why lawmakers who are on budget writing committees don’t know what is in the publicly available bills they are voting on and then signed into law,” she said.Crespo’s bill, meanwhile, is showing few signs of legislative life. Asked if there had been any movement or signs of support from Springfield’s powers-that-be on his bid for more transparency, Crespo responded dryly, “Take a guess.”In other words, no.

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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