Politics
Historian researches if Abraham Lincoln slept in Belleville
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Editor’s note: This story was originally published in the Belleville News-Democrat.It was an “aha” moment for Jack LeChien.The Belleville historian and co-chairman of the Gustave Koerner House Restoration committee had heard people speculate for decades on whether Abraham Lincoln had slept in the city during his 1856 visit and, if so, where.Then recently, LeChien stumbled on a 1936 column in the Belleville Daily News-Democrat, now the BND, which seemed to provide evidence that the future U.S. president did spend the night at the Scheel home in the 200 block of South Illinois Street, where the Downtown Belleville YMCA parking lot is today.The column was written by Emilie Heber, a Scheel family friend who grew up in the neighborhood.“Is it completely 100% accurate in every detail? Well, we don’t know because we weren’t there, and we have so few sources,” LeChien said. “But to me, there’s enough detail there, and it’s written by a schoolteacher (and published in a newspaper), so that gives it some credibility.”In the column, Heber was recalling a conversation she had with “Mrs. Ernest Hilgard,” nee Mina Scheel, in the mid-1890s, when Heber was about 10 years old and Hilgard was in her 40s.Hilgard was only 8 when Lincoln visited Belleville on Oct. 18, 1856, but she apparently had vivid recollections that may have been boosted by family discussions over the years.
The Belleville Daily News-Democrat, now the Belleville News-Democrat, ran a column, left, in 1936 about Abraham Lincoln’s visit to Belleville in 1856, based on a story told by Mina Hilgard.
Hilgard told of Lincoln touring the city with her father, dining at their home and participating in political activities that drew people from throughout the region. He had come to Belleville to campaign for Republican presidential candidate John Freemont and gubernatorial candidate William Bissell.The national Republican Party had formed only two years earlier as an anti-slavery coalition. It found significant support in Southern Illinois on that Saturday, 17 days before the election.“That night, Mr. Lincoln tarried under our roof,” Hilgard told Heber, according to the column. “He slept in the northeast corner room on the first floor of the main building. … Mr. Lincoln left the next morning and I never saw him again.”At that time, Lincoln was a Springfield lawyer and former state legislator and congressman. He would be elected U.S. president in 1860.Historians, particularly those in Illinois, have a running joke that building owners love to claim “Lincoln slept here.” A home or hotel is automatically considered more historically significant if he did.Of course, that doesn’t apply in the Belleville case because the Scheel home, which Heber described as a 14-room Colonial brick mansion with 10 fireplaces, was demolished and replaced by Central Junior High School. The YMCA opened on the site in 2006.
Emilie Heber, pictured at left, wrote this column about school picnics and parades of the past for the Belleville News-Democrat in 1958. By that time, she was a retired schoolteacher.
Detailed descriptionsHilgard’s father, John Scheel, was a German immigrant, surveyor, Koerner’s brother-in-law and personal friend of Lincoln.Heber wrote in the 1936 column that one of her favorite things to do as a child was sit in the Scheel home’s Victorian parlor and listen to Hilgard tell stories. In the 1890s, Hilgard and her family lived on the second floor, and her brother’s family lived on the first.Heber used the technique of writing in Hilgard’s voice, telling the story from her first-person view.Hilgard remembered the family making “elaborate preparations” for their “distinguished guest.” She described how their housekeeper, Sanne, enthusiastically took charge of Lincoln’s care.“She personally supervised the setting of the table, prepared certain dishes herself, and also baked the ‘Mandeltorte’ (German for almond tart),” Hilgard said, according to Heber.“It happened that Mr. Lincoln’s best shirt needed laundering. Sanne wouldn’t allow any of the other servants to attend to that. She washed and ironed the shirt. It had a stiff bosom (detachable front panel) with many small tucks, and it was quite a job to iron.”The housekeeper apparently also polished Lincoln’s boots after he left them outside the guest-room door.The German-language newspaper Volksblatt reported that Lincoln had traveled by train to Belleville, where he was met about 11 a.m. by members of the Republican Club. They went to club headquarters at Klug’s Beer Garden (North Second and West A streets) before a procession with bands and 1:30 p.m. rally on Public Square.Koerner wrote in his memoirs that he and John Scheel took Lincoln around town and introduced him to “Republican families.” Another rally was held that evening on Market Square, outside the former Belleville City Hall and Market House (now East A Street between North High and North Illinois).Hilgard’s recollections, as told by Heber, focused more on a torchlight parade that preceded the rally.“The torches were cans, swinging at the ends of long poles, with wicks fed by lard-oil,” Heber wrote. “At the head of the procession rode many men and women on horseback, the latter riding sidesaddle and wearing riding habits with tight bodices and long skirts.“Mr. Lincoln, with Mayor J.W. Hughes and some prominent citizens, rode in an open carriage drawn by the finest span of horses Belleville could secure. The procession with several bands, wound through the principal downtown streets along which the houses were gay with flags, bunting, ropes of cedar, and lighted candles.”Lincoln and other politicians spoke at the rally. Afterward, the crowd escorted him back to the Scheel home, where he stepped out on a small, second-floor balcony for a final address, according to Heber’s column.Hilgard may have been too young to digest what Lincoln was saying, but she recalled a magical scene, with burning candles lining the balcony railing and fence below and people holding “hundreds” of lighted torches.“It happened to be a beautiful October night, with not a breath of air stirring,” Heber wrote in Hilgard’s voice. “The candles burned steadily — there was not the slightest flicker. My father’s tall guest was speaking and I liked his clear, pleasant voice. And how the people were listening!”
Teri Maddox
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Belleville News-DemocratJack LeChien, a Belleville historian and co-chairman of the Gustave Koerner House Restoration committee, sits in the parlor. The home was built in 1849 and rebuilt in 1854 after a fire at 200 Abend Street.
Fellow historians weigh inLeChien recently provided Bob Brunkow, historian for Belleville Historical Society, with a copy of Heber’s column. Brunkow characterized her claim about Lincoln spending the night at the Scheel home in 1856 as “plausible,” but he would have preferred a source with more direct knowledge.“I don’t have a good way of judging the accuracy of that information,” Brunkow said. “It’s an account written many years after this lady, when she was a child, talked to this older lady about an event that happened 30 or 40 years before.”Will Shannon, curator for St. Clair County Historical Society, echoed Brunkow’s caution while open to the possibility that Heber was right.The historical society owns the Scheel home’s iron balcony railing, which is displayed at its Victorian Home Museum in Belleville. It’s considered one of the organization’s most important artifacts.The railing was donated in 2009 by a family that had salvaged it during the home’s demolition, according to Shannon. Car dealer Oliver D. Joseph paid to have it refurbished on the condition that it be displayed in his showroom before heading to the museum.
St. Clair County Historical SocietyAbraham Lincoln addressed a crowd from a balcony with an iron railing, left, at the Scheel home in Belleville on Oct. 18, 1856. Oliver D. Joseph and his wife, Jean, paid to have it refurbished for display at the St. Clair County Historical Society’s Victorian Home Museum in Belleville.
Lincoln actually visited Belleville three times, including twice in 1840, when he was promoting candidates in the Whig Party, but local historians tend to focus more on the 1856 visit.“It was a really important time in his life,” Shannon said. “It was the first time a Republican ran for president. The Whig Party was falling apart. The slavery issue was coming to a head.“(Lincoln) is two years away from running for Senate against Stephen Douglas, and he’s four years away from running for president. He’s kind of taking a step onto a bigger stage.”Koerner had been elected Illinois lieutenant governor in 1852 as a Democrat before switching to the new Republican Party.Both he and Lincoln opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which allowed voters in those territories to decide for themselves whether to expand slavery within their borders.Feelings on both sides of the slavery issue intensified in the weeks leading up to the 1856 election. Political rallies, like the one in Belleville, sometimes led to pushing, shoving and fistfights, according to LeChien.The city of Belleville owns the Gustave Koerner House, which was built in 1849 and rebuilt in 1854 after a fire at 200 Abend St. The committee is working to restore it as a historic landmark.LeChien was doing research at Belleville Public Library when he found Heber’s column on the Oct. 15, 1936, editorial page of the Daily News-Democrat, commemorating the 80th anniversary of Lincoln’s visit.“I think it adds just a little more color and flesh to our knowledge of the visit,” LeChien said. “… We want people to know about the Koerner-Lincoln connection. They were compatriots. They worked together, and it was a big deal for Lincoln to come to Belleville.”
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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.
One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”
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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.
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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.
Dilpreet Raju
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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.
No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
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