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Foster care advocate encourages youth to ‘accept the challenge’ and move beyond adversity

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Trisha Gordon endured inside her teen mother’s belly as her father — a man 30 years her mom’s senior — physically abused her. The beatings were so bad that Gordon was born 5½ months early. It was the late 1970s, and her survival didn’t appear likely.“My brain, my heart and my lungs weren’t fully developed,” Gordon said. “And [my mom] was on drugs too. And of course, he beat on her so I probably didn’t fully develop as I should have in five months. So she left me at the hospital.”Her mother, Mary Jo Gordon, also had three miscarriages before Gordon was born due to the abuse, she added. After being born, Gordon said she was “no-name Gordon” for months in the hospital because no one expected her to live.“I was in an incubator for 4½ months,” Gordon said. “A hospital nurse took care of me, of course, and at nine months when I was still alive, she named me Trisha because I was born on St. Patrick’s Day.”She was eventually returned to the custody of her parents, she said.“Even after going through that, my dad continuously beat me, and I still have scars on my body at 48,” Gordon said. “These are scars that you shouldn’t even see that I got as a little kid, but when I would get these scars, he would reinjure them.” There was often no electricity or food at home. Despite the dysfunction, her mother was her “rock,” she said, and taught her how to survive.“I can remember sitting in the alleyways, waiting for people to discard food,” Gordon said. “My mom kind of showed me how to live on the streets. Like hey, here’s what you do, you wait until the rats scurry. I knew how to search the trash cans.”After surviving a fire that someone set at her parents’ home in the mid-to-late 1980s, Gordon was placed into foster care at 11 years old. The first year staying with her foster mom, Marilyn Kirkess — with whom she ended up with the entirety of her time in care — was not an easy adjustment, Gordon said. “What they considered dysfunction was my normal,” Gordon said. “I mean [the home] was perfect, but I didn’t know these people. And then it’s like you’ve got to go to school, you’ve got to take a bath, you’ve got to comb your hair — all the things that I was not used to, so it was really a struggle. And I missed my [birth] mom.” She remained in the State of Missouri’s custody until she was 21 — the age that foster kids are cut off from care. Gordon is just one of thousands of adults who have aged out of the system in Missouri. And it’s no secret that Missouri’s child welfare system has struggled to perform essential functions over the years, according to the state’s Department of Social Services Children’s Division, with too many children going into foster care and staying there too long. However, according to the State Department of Social Services, that number is shrinking.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioThe Missouri Capitol last May in Jefferson City

In a report released last year, foster care officials said there are two main reasons Missouri’s child welfare system faces challenges — the inability to recruit and retain frontline workers and a lack of crucial staffing needed to operate a proactive and holistic child welfare system. Children’s Division Director Darrell Missey said that at the end of June, there were 11,819 foster kids in Missouri, compared to more than 14,000 foster kids who were still lingering in the system at the end of 2021. He’s been director of the division for over two years and said during that time it’s conducted staff surveys and gathered other insight to assess how to improve the child welfare system and move kids into placement quicker.“It’s been steadily coming down since we have initiated our work here,” Missey said. “What I heard from [staff] is that they wanted to stay but they could barely afford to. People were having trouble making the salary that we had. Some websites listed our salaries in Missouri as the lowest in the union.”Missey says the Children’s Division now has roughly 2,000 employees, which is almost full staffing. He said the extra hands are making a difference but noted there is much work still to be done. State legislators are working to establish changes to ensure child welfare agencies don’t break up families living in impoverished conditions.“We work prevention, and we work to try to help families on the front end,” Missey said. “And we also work to make sure that we get kids where they need to be in a prompt manner, without spending years mired in the system on the back end.”

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioDarrell Missey, the director of Missouri’s Children’s Division, on Aug. 23 at St. Louis Public Radio’s headquarters in Grand Center

Placing childrenAccording to Missey, a foster child is any child who has come into the legal custody of the Children’s Division or who has been placed in a home other than their own family home. This includes children who have been abused, neglected or have parents who simply can’t take care of them for one reason or another.About 5,000 of the total number of foster kids in Missouri are likely staying with grandparents, some are with other relatives, and others are placed in non-family homes, Missey said.Fewer than five kids were staying at hotels awaiting placement at the end of June. Various adoption agencies across the state work to get kids placement in Missouri, but looking across state lines for families isn’t a straightforward process, Missey said.They have to navigate the Interstate Compact on the Placement of Children.“What that means is that we cannot place a child across the state line without other state’s permission, and that other states have a whole bunch of time to check out any placement that we recommend,” Missey said. Prior to becoming director of the Children’s Division, Missey served as a judge in Jefferson County, just south of St. Louis County, for 19 years.“In my court, I had all kinds of children come into care who had relatives who lived in Collinsville, who lived in Belleville and lived in Columbia, Illinois,” Missey said. “And we could not place them over there quickly because we had to wait for Illinois to check them out, and that often takes a lot of time.” Missey said it’s a smoother process in Kansas City because there’s an agreement with the State of Kansas that staff members can go across the state line to seek placement for children.“This is a great arrangement that we are seeking with the other states too,” Missey said. Kids are, however, allowed to be placed with relatives who live in other states without having to navigate the ICPC process, Missey said.Between 80 and 90 kids are on the run daily, Missey said.“Every child welfare system has some of that,” Missey said. “And it’s not always the same kid, because we’ll find somebody and then somebody else will run. We are doing everything we can and we’re working with our State Technical Assistance Team, that’s another team inside the Department of Social Services. We are working very hard to locate them and get them back home.”Some of the missing kids are over 18 years old, he said, but the department is still responsible for them because legally the state has custody until they’re 21 or until the court releases them from the foster system.

Sophie Proe

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St. Louis Public RadioHoward Denson, 74, and his wife, Vickie, pose for a portrait at their High Ridge home last week in Jefferson County.

Be intentionalSome of these circumstances can be detrimental to kids’ self-esteem, self-worth and overall development, said Heather Craig, a recruiter for Respond, a nonprofit that educates and recruits Black St. Louisans to be foster parents. For seven years, Craig and her husband have fostered over 30 kids, although she said they closed their foster care license last July. They have two biological children and adopted three more kids. Adoptions can sometimes take years to finalize, she said.“The system is not a home,” Craig said. “The system is not permanent. And so I think the longer that they are out of a home just increases the likelihood for poor outcomes. We already have kids that are in care, they graduate high school at a lower rate, and they are less likely to attend college, coupled with everything else.”Vickie and Howard Denson founded Respond in 1989, and it was closed in the early 2000s. The Foster and Adoptive Care Coalition revamped it in 2022. When the Densons adopted a little girl, they said, some adoption agencies in Missouri were unwilling to work with them due to their skin color.They founded Respond after recognizing Black people weren’t as informed about the foster care and adoption process in Missouri and saw a need to educate more Black families. Although Respond’s purpose is to educate and recruit Black foster parents, skin color isn’t the most important thing at the end of the day, said Howard Denson, 74, of High Ridge.“It is far better to have a loving family than a loving family of a specific race,” Denson said. “And what it boils down to is do [parents] know what they’re getting into? It’s more than just their relationship with the child. You have to consider the child’s relationship with their family members and school. The culture the child will be living within is a complex situation.”Foster care takes special people, he said. Kids often come from adverse situations where abuse and some form of neglect have taken place.“It takes special people to be able to love without limits and then be willing and able to let go,” Denson said. “Even if you don’t believe where they’re going is in the best interests of the child. Sometimes the court is sending that child back into the abusive situation that created the need for foster care parents in the first place. The foster parent may not think that child is ready, but it is the judge who gets to make the decision.”

Sophie Proe

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St.Louis Public RadioVickie Denson holds her glasses last week at her home in Jefferson County.

Even though kids in foster care tend to have poorer outcomes than other children, Gordon said that isn’t her story. And she added that it doesn’t have to be anyone else’s either. After spending more than a decade in the system, she said she learned to redefine words as a means to take control of her narrative. She said she eventually adjusted to living with her foster mom and enjoyed being active in school activities and taking her education seriously. She went on to obtain a bachelor’s degree in political science and master’s degrees in business administration and human resources, and she also has certifications in entrepreneurship and information systems. In January, Gordon became the chief growth officer at the Foster and Adoptive Care Coalition. She has 25 years of experience in the nonprofit sector and most recently served as vice president of community investment with United Way of Greater St. Louis.After being forced out of the system, she said she felt lost and disconnected from the various resources the foster care system provided her. But she didn’t let that become an excuse not to succeed, she said. Her faith in God, hard work, connections to others and belief in herself have pushed her forward, she said. She encouraged current and former foster youth to “accept the challenge” and move beyond adversity. The word foster for Gordon is an acronym for Find, Opportunities, Strengthen, Teach and Release.“It is a constant reminder of, since foster care is no longer available, how do you find and fulfill opportunities that will strengthen you, continue to teach you, empower you, restore or release what you need to move forward when you’re stuck in life?” Gordon said. “We can go through some really, really tough stumbling blocks in our life, but they don’t have to hinder us. Whatever situation you’re going through right now, this is just a temporary challenge, that you’re being prepared for something bigger.”

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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