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Former top Missouri lawmaker Ron Richard dies at 75

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When he came to the Missouri legislature in the early 2000s, Ron Richard already built a legacy for himself as a prominent businessman and the mayor of Joplin.And when he departed the legislature because of term limits in 2018, the Joplin Republican left behind a career that is without precedent in Missouri history: the only person ever to serve as House speaker and Senate president pro tem.“Every time there’s a door opened … I’ve been lucky enough to go through that door,” Richard said in a 2017 episode of Politically Speaking.Richard died on Friday at the age 75. He had been recently diagnosed with bladder cancer.Many who are currently or were in Missouri politics spent Friday praising Richard as a titan in the state legislature who held top leadership roles during tumultuous times. He was speaker of the House in the midst of the economic calamity of the late 2000s and was the leader of the Senate during a monthslong crisis over the future of then-Gov. Eric Greitens’ governorship.“It’s a legacy of what it means to be a true public servant,” said former House Speaker Todd Richardson.And while Democrats sharply disagreed with his political views, they found him to be an honest broker who was willing to work on major policy initiatives.“He knew who he was, and he was confident in who he was,” said former Gov. Jay Nixon. “He wasn’t searching for who the real Ron Richard was.”

Carolina Hidalgo | St. Louis Public Radio

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Senate President Pro Tem Ron Richard speaks to reporters in 2017.

A late start to politics Born in Kansas, Richard owned and operated bowling alleys before entering local politics. He was on the Joplin City Council and eventually became that city’s mayor before getting elected to the Missouri House in 2002.Richard had run for the state Senate in 1998, but lost in a GOP primary. He said in 2017 that loss was a blessing in disguise, since he ended up beginning his legislative service when the GOP was just taking over control of the Missouri General Assembly.“I do know right from wrong, I do know that,” Richard said in 2017. “You know, don’t do something your mother would want you to do. And I tell people that all the time. And if you do something, and there’s consequences.”As a freshman lawmaker at age 55, Richard also noted he had more life experience than many of his colleagues. And former Sen. John Lamping, who came into the Senate in 2011, said that gave him an advantage over people who were younger and arguably more ambitious.“You need to elect people who have self actualized,” Lamping said. “They are who they are already, and they’re not trying to become someone through politics.”Former state Rep. Steve Hobbs shared an office with Richard in the 2000s. And when talking with another legislator, Hobbs would “lovingly” say “I don’t agree with what the old man’s doing.”“You know what the problem was? Every time he was right, and we were wrong,” Hobbs said. “And he just had that aura of competence. And that you knew that if Ron said: ‘This is what I think we need to do,’ then you were on pretty safe ground on getting behind that and moving forward.Richard became House Speaker in 2007 after a difficult intra-party election against then-House Budget Chairman Allen Icet. His speakership corresponded with the 2008 economic collapse, and much of the focus centered around how to divvy up a large amount of federal money that came into the state to fill budget gaps.“I think having somebody who respected and understood the institutions was especially important and I think he did,” Nixon said. “And so I think that he was a rock solid person throughout all of that sort of stuff.”

File photo / Carolina Hidalgo

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St. Louis Public Radio Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon takes questions from reporters in 2015. Nixon and Richard formed a strong working relationship together, even though they were in different political parties.

Economic development a big focusWhile he had much more power as both House speaker and Senate president pro tem, Richard said his favorite position in legislative politics was as the chairman of the House Economic Development Committee.“I thought I’d died and gone to heaven,” he said in 2017.And while he had worked his way up the political ladder through his time in local and regional politics in southwest Missouri, he was adamant about developing economic development policies that benefited the entire state.“My goal was job creation and economic development back when it wasn’t cool,” Richard said in 2017. “Now, it’s all cool. Everybody wants to create jobs. And I’ve been doing it for 15 years — longer than that with city government.”And while Nixon clashed with Richard on some policy items, notably a failed attempt to modestly expand Medicaid, he said the then-Speaker was instrumental in pushing through an economic development package that helped save a major Ford manufacturing plant in Clay County.Lamping said that Richard had the added benefit of watching the state’s transformation from somewhat evenly divided politically to solidly red — thanks in part to how rural Missouri swung wildly to the Republican side.But he added Richard knew that in order for the GOP to have sustainable majorities, they needed to have a policy agenda that paid attention to urban and suburban parts of the state.“My general understanding is that what happened in his time in the House is that Republicans started to realize that their power was going to come from the rural areas, and they’re watching all those conservative Democrats change parties,” Lamping said. “And he was hardwired to think: ‘Okay, all these country boys can be in the majority, but we’ve got to have the urban-suburban areas as part of our coalition.”

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioThe Missouri Senate on Wednesday, Jan. 4, 2023, during the first day of the legislative session in Jefferson City. Richard was the first House speaker elected to the Senate in decades.

Senate serviceAfter hitting term limits in 2010, Richard successfully ran for an open Senate seat representing the Joplin area. By his own admission, he had some trouble getting acclimated to the upper chamber — but eventually played a major role in helping Joplin after a deadly tornado in 2011.“And obviously, after the Joplin tornado, we spent a tremendous amount of time together,” Nixon said. “And he, like many people, showed the strength and resilience of what was called the toughest people in God’s green earth.”He returned to a leadership position in 2013 when he prevailed in a bid for Senate majority leader. Richard defeated then-Sen. Mike Parson for the post. And while there may have been hard feelings at the time, the loss was a blessing in disguise for Parson — especially since members of House and Senate leadership often make enemies that stymy their bids for statewide office.“I think it worked out better for him,” Richard said in 2017 after Parson became lieutenant governor.Parson said in a statement that Missouri “lost a strong leader and dedicated public servant with the passing of Ron Richard.”Richard was also an ardent supporter of right to work, which barred unions and employers from requiring dues as a condition of employment. Richard was Senate president pro tem when right to work finally made it through the General Assembly, but voters ended up repealing it in 2018.Former Sen. Jake Hummel, who is now the president of the Missouri AFL-CIO, said that he had major disagreements with Richard — especially on labor issues. But also Richard also found points of common interest.“We did not agree politically on much of anything,” Hummel said. “But the fact is that Ron cared about the institutions of the House and he cared about the institutions of the Senate. And he was no nonsense when it came to that.”

Tim Bommel | Missouri House Communications

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Richard and House Speaker Todd Richardson, R-Poplar Bluff, forged a close relationship with each other — especially during the turmoil that followed scandals around then-Gov. Eric Greitens.

Gruff or a ‘puppy dog?’One of Richard’s trademarks was his bluntness. When he was asked in 2007 if his election as speaker was a sign that southwest Missouri was solidifying its dominance in state politics, Richard replied “that is absolute B.S.”“I’ve worked with the entire state of Missouri since I’ve been elected,” Richard said at the time. “And anybody who wants to say that I’m regional can just leave the building.”Lamping, though, said Richard’s gruff communication style was something of a front for the fact that his personality resembled a “puppy dog.” And Hobbs contended that Richard was actually a “teddy bear.”“And so he much preferred to be behind the scenes,” Hobbs said. “Of course, when you have that type of tremendous ability and are politically astute, you’re going to get elevated to higher offices. But those that are close to Ron know what a deeply caring person he was.”Both Hummel and Lamping noted that he forged a close relationship with Richardson, and were able to work together to pass a number of key agenda items. Richard and Richardson were also in charge in 2018, when the legislature almost initiated impeachment proceedings against Greitens amid scandals involving an extramarital affair and campaign finance controversies.“Ron’s leadership made a material difference in how those eras played out,” Richardson said. “He had a leadership style that was direct. It was honest. And he wanted ultimately what was best for the state and the people of Missouri.”Hobbs added that Richard will be remembered in the Missouri political world in a similar manner to former Sens. Kit Bond and Roy Blunt — as a pragmatist that tried to do the right thing.“He’s been a role model for so many of us,” he added.Richard is survived by his wife Patty and his two children.

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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.

Brian Munoz

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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.

One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”

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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.

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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.

Dilpreet Raju

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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.

No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.

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