Politics
Bush, Bell and Chappelle-Nadal face off in nationally watched race
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As she runs for a third term in the St. Louis and St. Louis County-based 1st Congressional District, U.S. Rep. Cori Bush is trying to withstand a well-funded and well-organized challenge from St. Louis County Prosecutor Wesley Bell.Some view the race between Bush, Bell and former state Sen. Maria Chappelle-Nadal as a referendum on whether Bush’s criticism of Israel can lead to electoral consequences. But supporters of all the candidates say there’s something greater at stake: The direction of the district and the impact on the St. Louis area’s politics.For Bush supporters, a win would be a validation of a political philosophy that mixes activism with policymaking and could show that straying from the Democratic crowd in Congress on some key domestic and foreign policy issues is a sign of independence and strength.Bell backers say if he wins it could usher in a policy making posture that seeks to deliver results by collaborating with political forces that may not always embrace progressive policies. It may also signal a blow to a progressive power structure that’s become more influential in the St. Louis area since Michael Brown’s death in 2014.
Sophie Proe
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St.Louis Public RadioCori Bush hugs Illinois Congresswoman Delia Ramirez before giving a speech at Lafayette Park on July 20.
Her biggest challenge yetAt St. Ferdinand Park in Florissant a few weekends ago, Bush was standing with a group of supporters ready to knock on doors in north St. Louis County.Bush is the daughter of Errol Bush, a longtime elected official in Northwoods. Bush noted how she didn’t understand why her dad continued to stay involved in politics when it took up so much of his time and evoked intense criticism.“Now I get it,” Bush said. “It’s the mission. It’s your purpose. And so regardless of how much it hurts, you’ve got to do what you’ve been called to do.”Bush’s rise from a longshot candidate who ended the Clay family political dynasty is well known. She’s also gained national attention as part of a group of lawmakers known as ‘The Squad’ that sometimes diverges from her Democratic colleagues on high-profile issues.“She knows that when she looks at herself in the mirror, when she thinks about who she represents, she can stand proud with her chin up and say: ‘I am doing right by St. Louis. I am doing right by my family. I’m doing right by my community,’” said Illinois U.S. Rep. Delia Ramirez, who came to St. Louis in July to campaign for Bush.Since getting elected to Congress in 2021, Bush spent much of her time pushing for stronger environmental policies and was able to get President Joe Biden to sign onto a proposal aimed at mapping out where to send federal environmental-related federal funds. She’s also sponsored legislation that, among other things, would help local governments pay for personnel responding to substance abuse and mental health-related emergencies.Bush has regularly split with some of her fellow Democrats during her two terms in office. She voted against a major federal Infrastructure Bill in 2021 because she wanted passage of a broader set of domestic priorities. And, among other things, she opposed a plan to raise the debt ceiling in 2023 — contending that it put restrictions on major social service programs.Bush said her votes against Biden’s agenda hasn’t led to significant consequences for her district. If anything, she said it’s an example of her vocal advocacy for her constituents.“You disagree with your children on the daily and you disagree with your spouse,” Bush said. “The President doesn’t want someone to be them. That’s why we have a Congress so that we can speak directly about our issues in our communities.”
Eric Lee
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St. Louis Public RadioDemonstrators carry a banner with names of Palestinians killed during the Gaza War during a press conference about demonstrations at Washington University in April.
Bush’s electoral stability seemed to be sturdy after she easily beat state Sen. Steve Roberts in 2022.But things changed dramatically after Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel. Bush issued a statement condemning the attack, but called for an end to “Israeli military occupation and apartheid.” And in a post on X, Bush wrote that she won’t be silent about what she labels “Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign.”Those comments sparked outrage among some in St. Louis’ Jewish community. And while Bell said there were other reasons he decided to abandon his U.S. Senate bidto run against Bush, he cited her statements about Israel as a reason for running.Bush, the sponsor of a resolution calling for a cease-fire in Gaza, said her advocacy for a halt to the fighting is increasingly popular. Numerous Democratic elected officials have also called for a cease-fire, including presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris.
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioNearly 200 people gather in support of Israel in October 2023 during a rally at the Jewish Federation of St. Louis in Creve Coeur.
“I condemned Hamas over and over again. But what I did not do was sign onto legislation that were Republican bills meant to fuel anti-Palestinian hate,” Bush said. “What we were saying was, we can condemn Hamas. And also care about the lives of the Palestinian people and not want to see them harmed as well.”Since Bell announced his candidacy, groups like theUnited Democracy Project, the political arm of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, spent millions of dollars on ads praising Bell and attacking Bush. Some of Bush’s supporters have cited the expensive ad campaign as a prime reason to back her reelection.“I am disgusted about the money in this race,” said St. Louis resident Cynthia Marich. “There’s so much money being poured into this race against the congresswoman.”
Sophie Proe
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St.Louis Public RadioWesley Bell yells out the first B8 ball for Bingo at the Normandy Nursing Center in Normandy on July 25.
Sophie Proe
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St. Louis Public RadioDeloris Davis gets ready to stamp her bingo sheet at the Normandy Nursing Center in Normandy.
Bell says challenge of Bush is about effectivenessOn a recent morning at the Normandy Nursing Center, Bell stepped next to a contraption full of bingo balls. His campaign is sponsoring rounds of the venerable game for residents of the facility in a part of the 1st District that’s crucial to his campaign.Running strong in heavy African-American areas like Normandy is critical for Bell, who likely can’t win unless he can substantially lower Bush’s share of the Black vote that she secured in 2022.Bell is confident he can meet the challenge.“I think first and foremost, folks who support me know what they’re going to get,” Bell said. “They know I’m going to show up. They know I’m going to hear their concerns. We’re going to talk about my positions and listen to my constituents.”Bell’s decision to run against Bush marks a collision course between two major political success stories that arose out of the protest movement over Michael Brown’s death. After coming up short in 2014 in a primary against St. Louis County Councilwoman Hazel Erby, Bell won a seat on the Ferguson City Council — a much higher profile race than usual because of worldwide publicity over Brown’s death.Two years later, Bell pieced together a diverse coalition to oust St. Louis County Prosecutor Bob McCulloch, who declined to charge Ferguson Police officer Darren Wilson for shooting and killing Brown. Bell cited his ability to overhaul the county prosecutor’s office — and help create law enforcement agencies like the North County Police Collective — to change policy in a historically dysfunctional region.“When we talk about the issues that matter and understand how that’s done, that means you got to get folks to work together. That’s what I have a track record of doing,” Bell said. “I think that’s a clear distinction between myself and the congresswoman.”Ferguson Mayor Ella Jones said one of Bell’s strengths is his visibility throughout St. Louis County, including in predominantly Black cities that haven’t had the best relationship with law enforcement agencies.She said she’s confident that Bell can aggressively get funds for the region, such as building up West Florissant Avenue — the area of Ferguson where scores of protests occurred after Brown’s death.“He does have a record here,” Jones said. “Every time there’s something going on in Ferguson, you see Wesley. If something is going on in Dellwood, you see Wesley. He’s visible. He’s just here for the people.”Bush’s campaign recently highlighted an episode that stoked distrust among some of his previous supporters. In 2020, Bell announced he wouldn’t pursue charges against Wilson. Brown’s father, Michael Brown, Sr., lambasted Bell over that move in a current Bush campaign ad.“He used my family for power,” Brown Sr. says in the ad. “Now, he’s trying to sell out St. Louis.”
Tristen Rouse
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St. Louis Public RadioMichael Brown Sr., left, attends a memorial in August 2023 for his son Michael Brown Jr. on the ninth anniversary of his killing by a police officer in Ferguson.
Last year when Bell was running for the Senate, he explained to a crowd in western St. Louis County that not pursuing charges against Wilson was difficult, but added that his office couldn’t prosecute the case with the evidence they had.“Now I could have just sat back and just not said anything,” Bell said. “But I don’t think that would have been good for the region. We explained exactly why we did what we did and why we couldn’t prosecute. And it was a tough pill, obviously, for the family, and other supporters. But we didn’t see protests, you didn’t see any of that.”“So if there’s any controversial cases, we’re going to be transparent about it,” Bell said. “I think that’s the right way to do things.”
Sophie Proe
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St.Louis Public RadioWesley Bell says hello to Joann Byrd, 84, before bingo starts at the Normandy Nursing Center in Normandy on July 25.
The fight for Black votersBush’s reelection fight is attracting national attention, especially after New York Congressman Jamaal Bowman lost reelection. Like Bush, Bowman sharply criticized Israel’s response to the Oct. 7 attacks. And groups like the United Democracy Project spent millions to boost his Democratic primary opponent.But Missouri’s 1st Congressional District couldn’t be more different from Bowman’s district. According to the most recent Census figures, 46% of the district’s population is African American while Bowman’s district is much whiter and has a larger Jewish population. The St. Louis area’s Jewish community is somewhat divided between the 1st and 2nd Congressional Districts.Groups like the United Democracy Project’s ads don’t mention Israel, but rather focus on Bush’s votes against some of Biden’s agenda. National polling shows that Black voters don’t make decisions on candidates based on how they feel about the country’s military invasion of Gaza. And neither Bell nor Bush believe Israel is top of mind among the 1st Congressional District’s Black voters.Still, Bush contends the strategy from pro-Israel groups helping Bell is deceptive.“So the thing is this, why are they not talking about that? Is it because this is the President’s position to have a cease-fire now?” Bush said. “And so I’m really pissed off that there is this deceit happening, because if you believe that’s why you needed to run, then why aren’t you running on that?”
Eric Lee
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St. Louis Public RadioU.S. Rep. Cori Bush, D-St. Louis County, speaks during a campaign event on Jan. 27 in Northwoods.
Bell said even though Black 1st Congressional District voters aren’t showing up to the polls “with what’s going on in the Middle East as their main reason for voting, it doesn’t mean it’s not important.”“And so what I’ve been laser focused on is showing up to events and showing up for constituents to hear their concerns, because we got to be able to do two things, three things, four things at once,” Bell said. “And that means we do have to be concerned with our national security issues. But we also have to be concerned about what’s going on right here in this district.”Bush’s campaign and her allied political action committees are questioning Bell’s commitment to Democratic values, pointing out that he campaigned for a Republican challenger to Congressman Lacy Clay in 2006. Bell has said he was trying to help his friend, future Ferguson City Councilman Mark Byrne.Bush also said that she, not Bell, would be a stronger advocate for abortion rights — an issue that Bush focused on during her time in Congress.The contest has divided key Democratic constituencies. For instance, the region’s trade unions endorsed Bell, while a number of key service unions are endorsing Bush. And while Bell received support from municipal leaders like Ferguson’s Jones, others like Vinita Park Mayor James McGhee are backing Bush. St. Louis Mayor Tishaura Jones has also endorsed Bush.Bell received support from a number of local Jewish leaders, as well as groups like Indivisible St. Louis which previously supported Bush. And some former Bush supporters, such as St. Louis resident Anne Taussig, said Bell would be a more effective representative for the district.“I’ve never seen someone work so hard as Wesley has worked in this campaign,” she said. “He doesn’t take days off. He’ll show up for a group of two people or 20 people. He listens to his constituents. He’s a coalition builder. And his goal is working to bring resources to the region to move it forward.”
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioFormer Missouri state Sen. Maria Chappelle-Nadal pictured on July 23 at St. Louis Public Radio.
Chappelle-Nadal offers alternative choiceWhile Bell and Bush’s campaigns raised substantially more money than her, Chappelle-Nadal said she’s hoping to make an impact.Chappelle-Nadal served for 16 years in the Missouri General Assembly, where she was often at the center of key policy discussions over radioactive waste exposure and education policy. She also emerged as a prominent voice to overhaul criminal justice statutes after Brown’s death.She said her legislative experience will make her a more effective advocate than Bush or Bell to provide restitution for people who became sick because of radioactive waste exposure — and to come up with creative ways that the federal government can help clamp down on crime.Chapelle-Nadal is expected to garner votes in the University City area which she has represented in some form during her political career.“I started really late in February of this year. And usually you do not start a campaign so late, but I thought it was incumbent that I put my name in the ring for this seat,” she said. “And I recognize I don’t have the same bank as my opponents. What I do know is that people are relying on me to tell everyone what is important in this race.”The election is Tuesday. Whoever wins the primary will be heavily favored in November, since the district is the most Democratic-leaning in the state.
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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.
One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”
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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.
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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.
Dilpreet Raju
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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.
No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
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