Politics
Missouri budget deadline tests Republican factional fractures
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The end of a 41-hour filibuster early Thursday was a cease-fire in the Missouri Senate’s Republican civil war, not a peace settlement.But the only place it applies is in the chamber itself.Outside, on social media and conservative talk radio, the barrage continues.The Missouri Freedom Caucus surrendered the floor under threat of being forced to do so with a motion to shut off debate, Senate Majority Leader Cindy O’Laughlin wrote Friday in a social media post.The motion, known as the previous question, requires the signatures of 10 members of the 34-member Senate and its use to end a filibuster is seen as a last-resort option by Senate leadership.Using it to close down members of the minority party is rare. Using it on members of the majority party is considered beyond the pale.But that is where they were at 3 a.m. Thursday, O’Laughlin wrote. The motion not only had the signatures of the necessary 10, but “every member” of the Senate had signed, she wrote.“The filibustering Freedom Caucus members were told we had it and if they didn’t sit down we’d use it,” O’Laughlin wrote. “They sat down.”State Sen. Bill Eigel told a different story Thursday morning on a Kansas City radio station. Eigel is seeking the Republican nomination for governor.In his version, the end came when there were 18 other Republicans willing to vote in favor of changing the majority requirements to pass constitutional amendments.At that point, the bill renewing medical provider taxes necessary to finance the state Medicaid program received first-round approval.“We allowed as a measure of goodwill for that to take a step forward towards completion,” Eigel said on the Pete Mundo show on KCMO Radio.The bill needs a final roll call vote to send it to the House and Freedom Caucus members are ready to renew their filibuster, Eigel said.“The commitments better be kept as we go into next week or we’re going to end up right back where we were this week,” Eigel said.State Sen. Mike Cierpiot, a Lee’s Summit Republican, followed Eigel on the Mundo program and said he was lying. The Freedom Caucus caved under threat of being shut down, he said.It took 41 hours, he said, because so many Republicans were reluctant to use the previous question motion. Finally, he said, 18 Republicans of the 24 in the chamber had put their names on the motion.Cierpiot and Eigel have a bitter enmity, and at one point in the 2022 session had to be physically separated as they made selections from the buffet-style meal being served during a Senate break.“I would sign that against Bill Eigel any time, any day, because he does this silliness all the time,” Cierpiot told Mundo.
Eric Lee
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St. Louis Public RadioMissouri State Sen. Rick Brattin, R-Harrisonville, wears a Missouri Freedom Caucus pin on his jacket lapel during a post-session press conference last January in Jefferson City.
Crunch timeThe next two weeks as the legislative session comes to a close are the busiest of the year. The budget – 17 separate spending bills including one to provide money for programs short of funds to finish the year – must be finished by Friday.All legislative work must cease on May 17.As majority leader, O’Laughlin is essentially the Senate traffic cop, giving members the green light to bring their bill up for debate. Her plan when the chamber convened last Tuesday was to give Republican state Sen. Lincoln Hough of Springfield, chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, the floor to first get the provider tax bill through, then lead the debate on the budget bills.The Freedom Caucus came to the floor demanding that the Senate debate a proposal changing the majority requirements for passing constitutional amendments.An agenda change seemed designed to trigger a filibuster by Democrats. The measure has already been through the Senate once and Democrats held the floor for 21 hours to force removal of provisions that the House reinserted before returning it.In her Friday post, O’Laughlin said she wanted the budget finished before beginning an extended debate on initiative petition legislation.“If you take away the political theater you understand the budget has to go first,” O’Laughlin wrote. “This week, the ‘Freedom Caucus’ burned up virtually the entire week with a filibuster. They denounced other senators (myself included), read from the Bible and basically lectured anyone who would listen on the ‘emergency’ we have and how they should be the ones determining the schedule.”The spur behind changing the majority requirements for constitutional amendments is the prospect of an abortion rights proposal on the November ballot.Supporters of abortion rights on Friday delivered 380,000 signatures on an initiative petition to enshrine reproductive rights in the Missouri Constitution. If there are enough valid signatures in six of the state’s eight congressional districts, it will go on a ballot later this year.Republicans want to put the changes to majority requirements – raising the threshold to require a majority vote in five congressional districts in addition to a statewide majority – on the August ballot. That could put the higher bar in place for the November election.Every Republican in the Senate supports the changes to majority requirements, O’Laughlin wrote.“Basically it gave more weight to rural votes,” O’Laughlin wrote, “and requires not only a 50 + 1 % vote to win an issue but also a majority in five of eight congressional districts.”The week that includes the budget deadline is a time of maximum leverage. Passing a budget is the only work that lawmakers must complete in any given year and only once, in 1997, have lawmakers missed the deadline on any spending bills and returned to complete appropriations work in a special session.In an interview early Thursday, Hough said he has been working to reduce the steps necessary to pass a budget this year to help meet the deadline. He’s preparing Senate substitutes for the committee-passed bills, written after consultations with House Budget Committee Chairman Cody Smith, leadership in both chambers and Democrats.Last week, Smith said agreement on final budget provisions was needed by Wednesday to provide enough time for staff work and the workings of House rules. Sending the House revisions that are acceptable would eliminate days of work.“It is not the norm, but nothing in this environment is the norm,” Hough said.
Eric Lee
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St. Louis Public RadioMissouri Senate President Pro Tem Caleb Rowden, R-Columbia, and Sen. Bill Eigel, R-Weldon Spring, debate last January in Jefferson City.
Cracked caucusWhen the Missouri Freedom Caucus formed late last year, it counted six Republican Senators among its members – Eigel and Sens. Rick Brattin, Jill Carter, Denny Hoskins, Andrew Koenig and Nick Schroer.But last week, Carter refused to participate in the filibuster, refused to speak to Eigel on the Senate floor and renounced her membership soon after the filibuster ended.“While I remain loyal to the same conservative principles and the advancement of legislation that benefits our state and my constituents, I can no longer, in good conscience, be part of behaviors, and actions behind the scenes that defames grassroots, and violates the needs of my constituents,” Carter wrote on social media.Carter did not return calls seeking comment on her decision.In a response to a Facebook comment, Carter said she would not discuss why she acted.“I did what I did because it was best for me and my conscience, and how I represent my district, that’s what I want people to know,” Carter said. “If I need to say more in time I will, but I am not in the habit of bashing on social media platforms just to keep up with the vitriol.”
Eric Lee
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St. Louis Public RadioMissouri State Sen. Jill Carter, R-Joplin, listens to Senator Rick Brattin, R-Harrisonville, speak during a post-session press conference last January in Jefferson City. Carter renounced her membership with the Missouri Freedom Caucus.
Eigel and the Freedom Caucus, however, engaged in no such restraint.After her refusal to speak to Eigel on the floor, he accused her of betraying the group, failing to keep a promise and selling out.“It seems like so often, when, when individuals get down to this chamber, something happens,” Eigel said. “They lose that desire to fight for the things that they said they were gonna fight for in campaign season. You don’t often get to see the moment when it happens for a legislator.”A statement posted to the Missouri Freedom Caucus social media accounts said Carter’s loyalty to the group was under suspicion before the public break because she had voted against caucus priorities previously.“It is easy to lose your way and be overwhelmed by the Jefferson City swamp and the Missouri Uniparty,” the statement reads.And Eigel on Friday said on social media that Carter would “remain in his prayers” to regain her bearings.“Nobody wins when commitments are broken so publicly on (the) Senate floor, and many of the folks celebrating this fracture don’t share Jill’s belief set to begin with,” Eigel wrote.Carter’s break is akin to O’Laughlin’s withdrawal from a group, with several of the same senators, that called itself the conservative caucus. Like Carter, she was the only female member.And then, as now, the most aggressive member of the caucus was Eigel.In January, speaking to editors and publishers visiting the Capitol with the Missouri Press Association, O’Laughlin said she was ready to vote to expel Eigel from the Senate.She also told them why she quit the conservative caucus.“I felt like the conservative caucus was really all about Sen. Eigel,” she said. “He wanted to make all the decisions and I didn’t agree with the decisions and after being in there awhile, we start filibustering our own bill and I thought ‘something is not working here.’”This story was originally published by The Missouri Independent, part of the States Newsroom.
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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.
One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”
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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.
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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.
Dilpreet Raju
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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.
No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
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