Politics
Groups who want to limit transgender rights succeed in Missouri

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Missouri may offer a prime example of a red state primed for plug-and-play laws restricting transgender rights.A robust network of conservative advocacy groups stretching across the country has eagerly seized the chance to show the Show Me State just how to do that.Last year, lawmakers passed a ban on access to gender-affirming care for minors and another law effectively shutting transgender athletes out of girls’ and women’s sports. Since then, more bills reining in a range of LGBTQ rights have been introduced by a Republican-dominated General Assembly eager to accommodate voters.Polling shows that Missouri’s conservative electorate broadly agrees with the new Missouri law regarding transgender people, but that comes with a partisan split.The Democratic Party has lost ground in what used to be a national bellwether state. That means Republican lawmakers increasingly find themselves without serious competition in general elections, instead in danger of challenges from the right in primary elections.Now, with elections looming and a veto-proof supermajority, ambitious Republican politicians are homing in on the issue with what critics describe as a “firehose of anti-trans legislation.”In some cases, the impact of the legislation looks concrete, like the proposed Missouri law shutting off transgender people from the bathrooms that match their gender identity. Others, like a ban on government diversity efforts, could throttle cultural changes in recent years and make transgender people feel increasingly threatened.National groups lobby Missouri lawmakersLast year, Reuters news agency counted142 bills filed in 37 states that would outlaw or restrict gender-affirming care. At least 17 states have enacted laws restricting or banning gender-affirming care for minors. The trend has continued this spring.A well-documented network of groups helps ghostwrite legislation, lobby for its passage and elect conservatives willing to back similar approaches. Groups across the country, from all political perspectives, write legislation and disperse it to lawmakers.But an AP analysis found that 130 bills in 40 statehouses last year mimicked model legislation peddled to lawmakers by the conservative groups Do No Harm and the Family Research Council.In March 2023, the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) said in a statement it opposed the “broad and sweeping” legislation being introduced in states and said bills that would restrict access to care violate best-practice medical standards.In 2022, lawmakers filed at least 19 bills regarding LGBTQ issues in the Missouri General Assembly, according to data from the ACLU. In 2023, the number jumped to 48. In 2024, at least 34 bills have been introduced.
Many LGBTQ people in Missouri say the bills exploit ideas popular among some people that create life-threatening damage to others.“We’re seeing in Missouri an attempt to … erase trans people,” said Katy Erker-Lynch, the executive director of Missouri’s LGBTQ advocacy group PROMO. “It’s a very clear attempt that’s manifesting through book bans, censorship of curriculum, anti-woke investing and (diversity, equity and inclusion) bills.”Last year, two Missouri laws regarding transgender people were passed by the General Assembly that were centerpieces in the national conversation.They got help.One, SB 49, was Missouri’s version of a law originally spearheaded by the Family Research Council, a group “dedicated to articulating and advancing a family-centered philosophy of public life.”“Family Research Council has been actively recommending state (SAFE) Save Adolescents from Experimentation Act-style bills based on the model legislation we developed, which aims to protect children from harmful, irreversible gender transition procedures,” the group said in a fundraising email.The Missouri law halted access to gender-affirming puberty blockers and other hormone treatment for transgender people under 18, with an exception for kids already receiving treatment in Missouri. That law will go away in 2027 unless lawmakers revisit it.
Carlos Moreno
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KCUR 89.3 A protester in Kansas City marches with students from Crossroads Preparatory Academy on April 13, 2022 who walked out of class to protest anti-LGBTQ bills in the Missouri legislature.
The conservative think tank Heritage Foundation and Do No Harm testified in supportwhen the bill was introduced last year.But when disputes among Republicans threatened its passage, politicians in other branches of government acted unilaterally to block gender-affirming care for minors in Missouri.Attorney General Andrew Bailey, who has appeared numerous times in programming from the Family Research Council, issued an emergency rule last March that called gender transitions “experimental.” His action triggered a litany of requirements before a patient can receive forms of gender-affirming care in Missouri, essentially blocking patient access.Just hours before, the Missouri Freedom Foundation PAC held a rally at the state Capitol, promoted by the Family Research Council, urging lawmakers to support the SAFE Act, which would later become the Missouri law cutting off gender-affirming care for transgender minors.After two weeks of inaction on the legislation, the bill was finalized in the Senate that afternoon.Since the Missouri laws went into effect, University of Missouri Health Care and the Washington University Transgender Center have stopped offering gender-affirming care to their minor patients, driving some families to move out of Missouri to get care.Medical professionals widely see gender-affirming care as lifesaving. WPATH noted in its updated 2022 guidelines a “growing body of evidence” that providing care to gender-diverse youth leads to positive outcomes.The group added there is still limited data on the “long-term physical, psychological and neurodevelopmental outcomes in youth” who get gender-affirming care and that further long-term studies are underway to examine the impact.How conservative groups promote their views of transgender rights in Missouri
Danny Wicentowski
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St. Louis Public RadioDemonstrators take to the streets to protest policy and rhetoric targeting transgender people last April in downtown St. Louis.
What’s driving the trend in Missouri to pass anti-transgender laws? Americans havebroadly acceptedthe idea that sexuality ranges across a spectrum, said Scott McCoy, the deputy legal director for LGBTQ rights and special litigation at the Southern Poverty Law Center. That organization classifies some of the groups authoring model legislation as hate groups.But when it comes to transgender people and the idea of a spectrum of gender identity, polls show that Americans have less familiarity and understanding. At the same time, the number of children diagnosed with gender dysphoria has surged. A Reuters report found that over 42,000 Americans aged 6-17 were diagnosed with gender dysphoria in 2021, compared to just over 15,000 in 2017.“What (these groups are) desperate to do is push back against these advances,” McCoy said. “They went to the place where they have great influence, and to some extent undue influence, and that’s the state legislatures.”The Family Policy Alliance promotes a biblical view of governance — and lobbies for it, pushing in at least 20 states for bans on gender-affirming care for minors.The group also runs what it calls Statesmen Academy, which convenes legislators for training on things like “Policy According to the Bible” and “Christian Statesmanship in Practice.” The group has cited Missouri as one of the states which have passed a law that it helped author barring gender-affirming care for minors.The Alliance Defending Freedom, an Arizona-based conservative group, uses the courts to advance its positions and provides legal advice for lawmakers on religious freedom, marriage, family and parental rights.“We’ve been happy to provide legal advice on the best way to craft those” bills, said Matt Sharp, senior counsel and the director of the Center for Legislative Advocacy at the ADF. “And to help make sure that lawmakers taking up this issue have solid legal advice.”
Annelise Hanshaw
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Missouri IndependentA Missouri family stands by their doormat at a home they left last year, drawn out by bills that would limit the freedoms of their transgender son.
How public opinion has transformed amid focus on transgender MissouriansPolling from the Public Religion Research Institute shows that, since 2021, Americans believe with increasing certainty that there are only two gender identities, growing from 59% of Americans in 2021 to 65% in 2023. It found that 90% of Republicans think that way, while 44% of Democrats feel the same.“It’s really a story of Republican prioritization of this issue,” said Melissa Deckman, a political scientist and the institute’s CEO. “A lot of Americans probably didn’t think about transgender issues four, five, six, years ago, to the extent that we’re talking about them now.”LGBTQ topics, especially access to gender-affirming care, have been in the center of a conservative media frenzy since 2021.“When political leaders begin to talk about these issues at length,” Deckman said, “that can often change the attitudes or priorities of partisans.”A nationwide June 2021 poll from the Global Sport Institute at Arizona State University found 32% of respondents felt that transgender athletes should be limited to competition by their sex assigned at birth, while 30% said they should be able to compete against athletes with the same gender identity. Another 28% felt that transgender athletes should compete in a third category.Compare that to an August 2023 poll from St. Louis University and YouGov, which found that 67% of Missourians (including 95% of Republicans) opposed allowing transgender students to play on teams that match their gender identity.Still, a recent Pew Research Center poll found that roughly two-thirds of Americans support protecting transgender people from discrimination in jobs, housing and public spaces.The SLU poll of Missouri also found that 63% of respondents opposed allowing minors to receive gender-affirming care.Studies show that gender-affirming care was associated with lower rates of depression and suicidality over a 12-month period.
Since 2003, Republicans have controlled the state House and Senate. In 2022, the party gained control of all statewide elected offices.In 2022, Republicans ran for 151 seats across the General Assembly. Of those seats, 73 hadno opposing candidate from a major party. That meant that once a candidate won their primary, they were essentially guaranteed election.“In primary elections, you can get the most committed partisans,” Deckman said. “On the Republican side, it’s folks who are far more conservative and are often more religious.”And in an election year, lawmakers are motivated by their political aspirations to appeal to their base of voters, PROMO’s Erker-Lynch said.“So many of these senators, in particular, are running for higher office,” Erker-Lynch said. “They think that if they can appear to be, in my opinion, the most hateful, that they will appeal to their base the most.”And with a nationwide consensus, including in Missouri, that access to abortion should be legal, political experts see the topic of gender-affirming care as one that can activate base voters.“When they didn’t have the pro-life position to motivate their base of voters to the polls,” SPLC’s McCoy said, “they needed another issue.”
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioSigns brought in by supporters of queer and diverse teachers are propped up after being confiscated by school security last April before a school board meeting at North Kirkwood Middle School in Kirkwood.
What’s ahead for transgender laws in MissouriConservative groups want to renew the ban on gender-affirming care for minors.One bill, sponsored by Rep. Brad Hudson, a Cape Fair Republican, would continue the ban and prohibit medical professionals from being required to perform sex reassignment surgery or gender identity transitioning if it goes against their moral, ethical or religious beliefs. The bill would also require public school locker rooms and bathrooms to be designated for and used by male or female students only.Do No Harm testified in support of the bill on Jan. 17.Hudson, a pastor, is running for the state’s 33rd Senate District, home to Lake of the Ozarks, for the seat currently held by Republican Sen. Karla Eslinger.Rep. Adam Schnelting filed a bill that he said was vettedby the Heritage Foundation, called the “Defining SEX Act,” which would place definitions of female, male, girl, boy, woman, man, mother and father in state statute.Schnelting, a St. Charles Republican, is a minister and Realtor who is running to represent outgoing Sen. Bill Eigel’s seat in the 23rd Senate District.The General Assembly in 2024 is focused on issues like making it harder to pass constitutional amendments and passing what has become a controversial bill to fund Medicaid reimbursement in Missouri. Both topics are closely tied to abortion politics in Missouri.The conservative group Freedom Principle of Missouri is using research from the Heritage Foundation in their legislative lobbying.“We’re facing an uphill battle with this,” Byron Keelin, the group’s president, said of passing further legislation this year. “If the legislature doesn’t act — and depending on who the next governor is — they may take some action via executive order, too.”Ultimately, Deckman said, the issue is driven by activists within the Republican Party.“It’s certainly really being driven by conservative activists who feel very passionately about this issue,” she said. “That polarization has had the impact of affecting general public opinion.”This story was originally published by The Kansas City Beacon, an online news outlet focused on local, in-depth journalism in the public interest.
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Poll: Support for Missouri abortion rights amendment growing

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A proposed constitutional amendment legalizing abortion in Missouri received support from more than half of respondents in a new poll from St. Louis University and YouGov.That’s a boost from a poll earlier this year, which could mean what’s known as Amendment 3 is in a solid position to pass in November.SLU/YouGov’s poll of 900 likely Missouri voters from Aug. 8-16 found that 52% of respondents would vote for Amendment 3, which would place constitutional protections for abortion up to fetal viability. Thirty-four percent would vote against the measure, while 14% aren’t sure.By comparison, the SLU/YouGov poll from February found that 44% of voters would back the abortion legalization amendment.St. Louis University political science professor Steven Rogers said 32% of Republicans and 53% of independents would vote for the amendment. That’s in addition to nearly 80% of Democratic respondents who would approve the measure. In the previous poll, 24% of Republicans supported the amendment.Rogers noted that neither Amendment 3 nor a separate ballot item raising the state’s minimum wage is helping Democratic candidates. GOP contenders for U.S. Senate, governor, lieutenant governor, treasurer and secretary of state all hold comfortable leads.“We are seeing this kind of crossover voting, a little bit, where there are voters who are basically saying, ‘I am going to the polls and I’m going to support a Republican candidate, but I’m also going to go to the polls and then I’m also going to try to expand abortion access and then raise the minimum wage,’” Rogers said.Republican gubernatorial nominee Mike Kehoe has a 51%-41% lead over Democrat Crystal Quade. And U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley is leading Democrat Lucas Kunce by 53% to 42%. Some GOP candidates for attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer have even larger leads over their Democratic rivals.
Brian Munoz
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St. Louis Public RadioHundreds of demonstrators pack into a parking lot at Planned Parenthood of St. Louis and Southwest Missouri on June 24, 2022, during a demonstration following the Supreme Court’s reversal of a case that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion.
One of the biggest challenges for foes of Amendment 3 could be financial.Typically, Missouri ballot initiatives with well-funded and well-organized campaigns have a better chance of passing — especially if the opposition is underfunded and disorganized. Since the end of July, the campaign committee formed to pass Amendment 3 received more than $3 million in donations of $5,000 or more.That money could be used for television advertisements to improve the proposal’s standing further, Rogers said, as well as point out that Missouri’s current abortion ban doesn’t allow the procedure in the case of rape or incest.“Meanwhile, the anti side won’t have those resources to kind of try to make that counter argument as strongly, and they don’t have public opinion as strongly on their side,” Rogers said.There is precedent of a well-funded initiative almost failing due to opposition from socially conservative voters.In 2006, a measure providing constitutional protections for embryonic stem cell research nearly failed — even though a campaign committee aimed at passing it had a commanding financial advantage.Former state Sen. Bob Onder was part of the opposition campaign to that measure. He said earlier this month it is possible to create a similar dynamic in 2024 against Amendment 3, if social conservatives who oppose abortion rights can band together.“This is not about reproductive rights or care for miscarriages or IVF or anything else,” said Onder, the GOP nominee for Missouri’s 3rd Congressional District seat. “Missourians will learn that out-of-state special interests and dark money from out of state is lying to them and they will reject this amendment.”Quade said earlier this month that Missourians of all political ideologies are ready to roll back the state’s abortion ban.“Regardless of political party, we hear from folks who are tired of politicians being in their doctor’s offices,” Quade said. “They want politicians to mind their own business. So this is going to excite folks all across the political spectrum.”
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Democrat Mark Osmack makes his case for Missouri treasurer

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Mark Osmack has been out of the electoral fray for awhile, but he never completely abandoned his passion for Missouri politics.Osmack, a Valley Park native and U.S. Army veteran, previously ran for Missouri’s 2nd Congressional District seat and for state Senate. Now he’s the Democratic nominee for state treasurer after receiving a phone call from Missouri Democratic Party Chairman Russ Carnahan asking him to run.“There’s a lot of decision making and processing and evaluation that goes into it, which is something I am very passionate and interested in,” Osmack said this week on an episode of Politically Speaking.Osmack is squaring off against state Treasurer Vivek Malek, who was able to easily win a crowded GOP primary against several veteran lawmakers including House Budget Chairman Cody Smith and state Sen. Andrew Koenig.While Malek was able to attract big donations to his political action committee and pour his own money into the campaign, Osmack isn’t worried that he won’t be able to compete in November. Since Malek was appointed to his post, Osmack contends he hasn’t proven that he’s a formidable opponent in a general election.“His actions and his decision making so far in his roughly two year tenure in that office have been questionable,” Osmack said.Among other things, Osmack was critical of Malek for placing unclaimed property notices on video gaming machines which are usually found in gas stations or convenience stores. The legality of the machines has been questioned for some time.As Malek explained on his own episode of Politically Speaking, he wanted to make sure the unclaimed property program was as widely advertised as possible. But he acknowledged it was a mistake to put the decals close to the machines and ultimately decided to remove them.Osmack said: “This doesn’t even pass the common sense sniff test of, ‘Hey, should I put state stickers claiming you might have a billion dollars on a gambling machine that is not registered with the state of Missouri?’ If we’re gonna give kudos for him acknowledging the wrong thing, it never should have been done in the first place.”Osmack’s platform includes supporting programs providing school meals using Missouri agriculture products and making child care more accessible for the working class.He said the fact that Missouri has such a large surplus shows that it’s possible to create programs to make child care within reach for parents.“It is quite audacious for [Republicans] to brag about $8 billion, with a B, dollars in state surplus, while we offer next to no social services to include pre-K, daycare, or child care,” Osmack said.Here’s are some other topics Osmack discussed on the show:How he would handle managing the state’s pension systems and approving low-income housing tax credits. The state treasurer’s office is on boards overseeing both of those programs.Malek’s decision to cut off investments from Chinese companies. Osmack said that Missouri needs to be cautious about abandoning China as a business partner, especially since they’re a major consumer of the state’s agriculture products. “There’s a way to make this work where we are not supporting communist nations to the detriment of the United States or our allies, while also maintaining strong economic ties that benefit Missouri farmers,” he said.What it was like to witness the skirmish at the Missouri State Fair between U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley and Democratic challenger Lucas Kunce.Whether Kunce can get the support of influential groups like the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which often channels money and staff to states with competitive Senate elections.
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As Illinois receives praise for its cannabis equity efforts, stakeholders work on system’s flaws

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Medical marijuana patients can now purchase cannabis grown by small businesses as part of their allotment, Illinois’ top cannabis regulator said, but smaller, newly licensed cannabis growers are still seeking greater access to the state’s medical marijuana customers.Illinois legalized medicinal marijuana beginning in 2014, then legalized it for recreational use in 2020. While the 2020 law legalized cannabis use for any adult age 21 or older, it did not expand licensing for medical dispensaries.Patients can purchase marijuana as part of the medical cannabis program at dual-purpose dispensaries, which are licensed to serve both medical and recreational customers. But dual-purpose dispensaries are greatly outnumbered by dispensaries only licensed to sell recreationally, and there are no medical-only dispensaries in the state.As another part of the adult-use legalization law, lawmakers created a “craft grow” license category that was designed to give more opportunities to Illinoisans hoping to legally grow and sell marijuana. The smaller-scale grow operations were part of the 2020 law’s efforts to diversify the cannabis industry in Illinois.Prior to that, all cultivation centers in Illinois were large-scale operations dominated by large multi-state operators. The existing cultivators, mostly in operation since 2014, were allowed to grow recreational cannabis beginning in 2019.Until recently, dual-purpose dispensaries have been unsure as to whether craft-grown products, made by social equity licensees — those who have lived in a disproportionately impacted area or have been historically impacted by the war on drugs — can be sold medicinally as part of a patient’s medical allotment.Erin Johnson, the state’s cannabis regulation oversight officer, told Capitol News Illinois last month that her office has “been telling dispensaries, as they have been asking us” they can now sell craft-grown products to medical patients.“There was just a track and trace issue on our end, but never anything statutorily,” she said.
Dilpreet Raju
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Capitol News IllinoisThe graphic shows how cannabis grown in Illinois gets from cultivation centers to customers.
No notice has been posted, but Johnson’s verbal guidance comes almost two years after the first craft grow business went online in Illinois.It allows roughly 150,000 medical patients, who dispensary owners say are the most consistent purchasers of marijuana, to buy products made by social equity businesses without paying recreational taxes. However — even as more dispensaries open — the number available to medical patients has not increased since 2018, something the Cannabis Regulation Oversight Office “desperately” wants to see changed. Johnson said Illinois is a limited license state, meaning “there are caps on everything” to help control the relatively new market.Berwyn Thompkins, who operates two cannabis businesses, said the rules limited options for patients and small businesses.“It’s about access,” Thompkins said. “Why wouldn’t we want all the patients — which the (adult-use) program was initially built around — why wouldn’t we want them to have access? They should have access to any dispensary.”Customers with a medical marijuana card pay a 1% tax on all marijuana products, whereas recreational customers pay retail taxes between roughly 20 and 40% on a given cannabis product, when accounting for local taxes.While Illinois has received praise for its equity-focused cannabis law, including through an independent study that showed more people of color own cannabis licenses than in any other state, some industry operators say they’ve experienced many unnecessary hurdles getting their businesses up and running.The state, in fact, announced last month that it had opened its 100th social equity dispensary.But Steve Olson, purchasing manager at a pair of dispensaries (including one dual-purpose dispensary) near Rockford, said small specialty license holders have been left in the lurch since the first craft grower opened in October 2022.“You would think that this would be something they’re (the government) trying to help out these social equity companies with, but they’re putting handcuffs on them in so many different spots,” he said. “One of them being this medical thing.”Olson said he contacted state agencies, including the Department of Financial and Professional Regulation, months ago about whether craft products can be sold to medical patients at their retail tax rate, but only heard one response: “They all say it was an oversight.”This potentially hurt social equity companies because they sell wholesale to dispensaries and may have been missing out on a consistent customer base through those medical dispensaries.Olson said the state’s attempts to provide licensees with a path to a successful business over the years, such as with corrective lotteries that granted more social equity licenses, have come up short.“It’s like they almost set up the social equity thing to fail so the big guys could come in and swoop up all these licenses,” Olson said. “I hate to feel like that but, if you look at it, it’s pretty black and white.”Olson said craft companies benefit from any type of retail sale.“If we sell it to medical patients or not, it’s a matter of, ‘Are we collecting the proper taxes?’ That’s all it is,” he said.State revenue from cannabis taxes, licensing costs and other fees goes into the Cannabis Regulation Fund, which is used to fund a host of programs, including cannabis offense expungement, the general revenue fund, and the R3 campaign aiming to uplift disinvested communities.For fiscal year 2024, nearly $256 million was paid out from Cannabis Regulation Fund for related initiatives, which includes almost $89 million transferred to the state’s general revenue fund and more than $20 million distributed to local governments, according to the Illinois Department of Revenue.Medical access still limitedThe state’s 55 medical dispensaries that predate the 2020 legalization law, mostly owned by publicly traded multistate operators that had been operating in Illinois since 2014 under the state’s medical marijuana program, were automatically granted a right to licenses to sell recreationally in January 2020. That gave them a dual-purpose license that no new entrants into the market can receive under current law.Since expanding their clientele in 2020, Illinois dispensaries have sold more than $6 billion worth of cannabis products through recreational transactions alone.Nearly two-thirds of dispensaries licensed to sell to medical patients are in the northeast counties of Cook, DuPage, Kane, Lake and Will. Dual-purpose dispensaries only represent about 20 percent of the state’s dispensaries.While the state began offering recreational dispensary licenses since the adult-use legalization law passed, it has not granted a new medical dispensary license since 2018. That has allowed the established players to continue to corner the market on the state’s nearly 150,000 medical marijuana patients.But social equity licensees and advocates say there are more ways to level the playing field, including expanding access to medical sales.Johnson, who became the state’s top cannabis regulator in late 2022, expressed hope for movement during the fall veto session on House Bill 2911, which would expand medical access to all Illinois dispensaries.“We would like every single dispensary in Illinois to be able to serve medical patients,” Johnson said. “It’s something that medical patients have been asking for, for years.”Johnson said the bill would benefit patients and small businesses.“It’s something we desperately want to happen as a state system, because we want to make sure that medical patients are able to easily access what they need,” she said. “We also think it’s good for our social equity dispensaries, as they’re opening, to be able to serve medical patients.”Rep. Bob Morgan, D-Deerfield, who was the first statewide project coordinator for Illinois’ medical cannabis program prior to joining the legislature, wrote in an email to Capitol News Illinois that the state needs to be doing more for its patients.“Illinois is failing the state’s 150,000 medical cannabis patients with debilitating conditions. Too many are still denied the patient protections they deserve, including access to their medicine,” Morgan wrote, adding he would continue to work with stakeholders on further legislation.Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government. It is distributed to hundreds of newspapers, radio and TV stations statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, along with major contributions from the Illinois Broadcasters Foundation and Southern Illinois Editorial Association.
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